History Of The Indian Wars

A. HISTORY OF

THE INDIAN WARS

cotNibriJia^eer

CLEMENT DOWNING

EDITED WITH AX INTRODUCTION AND NOTES HY

WILLIAM FOSTER, C.I w

HUMPHREY MILFORD
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
London Edinburgh Glasgow Copenhagen
New York Toronto Melbourne Cape Town
Bombay Calcutta Madras Shanghai
1924

<Z-£3o

wOMPUTE^'SHD

91 0 -A T S&,

'£> 7G I ?i.

PRINTED IN ENGLAND
AT THE OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
BY FREDERICK TTAT.r.

CONTENTS

PAGE

INTRODUCTION v

A HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS

To the Reader ....... 3

A Succinct History of the Indian Wars : with
an Account of the Rise, Progress, Strength and
Forces of Angria the Pyrate, &c. ... 5

A Particular Account of all tiie Transactions
in the Voyage of Commodore Matthews to
the East Indies ; with the Lyon , Salisbury,
Exeter , and Shoreham : sent thither to suppress
the Pyrates . . . . . .69

An Adimtional History of the Indian Wars,
betwixt the Great Mogul, and Angria and
his Allies ; to which is prefix’d A Particular
Account of John Plantain, a Pyrate ; also
a Brief Relation of Plantain’s Wars on the
Island of Madagascar ..... 95

INDEX

. 197

ILLUSTRATIONS

c

PA(V*i.

Commodoue Mathews. From an engraving made by
J. Faber, junior, from a painting (1743) by Aritulphi,
now in the Painted Hall at Greenwich Frontispiece

Map of the West Coast of India . . . . vii

Map of Bombay and its Vicinity xv

Downing’s Signature ...... xviii

Facsimile of tiie Original Title-page .

1

COMPUTERISED

INTRODUCTION

In 'the rare little volume hferc reprinted an English sailor
narrates his adventures in the East Indies between the years
1715 and 1723. During that period (broken though it was
by a return for a time to England) he played many parts :
sailor on board three East Indiamen in succession : mate in
a 4 country ’ vessel (i.e. one trading in the East Indies only) :
jilheer in the armed naval forces of the Company at Bombay :
seaman and (according to his own account) petty officer in
a royal navy ship : captain of artillery in a Mughal army
operating in Gujarat. His other experiences were equally
varied. Though he served chiefly on the western coast of
India, he visited also Muskat, the Gulf of Aden, Madras,
Calcutta, Mauritius, Reunion, Madagascar, and the Comoros,
besides the places touched at during the voyages out and
home. He took part in several fights with the Marathas and
other Indians, both on sea and land, and some of his most
g stirring pages describe the unsuccessful assaults that were
made upon the strongholds of Angria. Of Commodore
Mathews’s expedition to Madagascar in search of the European
pirates who were making havoc of Eastern trade he furnishes -
a full account, with some curious particulars concerning the
ex-pirates who had settled down in that island. His service
as a Mughal gunner provides what is in some respects the
most interesting chapter in the book ; while we are also
giverf many glimpses of life at Bombay and other places on
the west coast, including the earliest mention of cricket being
played in India.

All this is admirably told and makes lively reading. Perhaps
most readers will be content to take the volume in its obvious
aspect of a first-rate story of adventure, and will ask no inore
from the editor than the explanation of a few unfamiliar
terms or place-names. There is, however, another side to the

vi

INTRODUCTION

matter. In his preface the publisher stresses the fact that the
narrative is the authentic record of an eye-witness — not one
of those 4 fictitious pieces . . . with sham names prefix’d ’ by
which 4 the world has been of late very much imposed on ’ 1 ;
while Downing himself insists that he has written 4 the plain
truth in all respects In the scarcity of information about
the events here related it becoyies a matter of importance to
ascertain how far these claims can be conceded. To {lo this,
and in addition to give such facts as can be gldhned concerning
our author’s personal history, is the object of the following
pages.

Downing is reticent in his references to himself, and nowhere
in his pages do we find any allusion to his career prior to his
going to India; we must therefore be content with lfls
publisher’s assurance that he was 4 bred to tlje sea ’. No
information is forthcoming about his parentage and up-
bringing ; and the earliest fact on record concerning him is
his departure from England in April 1715 as a member of the
crew of the East India Company’s trading ship Queen . That
vessel had as consort the Stanhope , which was carrying out
to his post Charles Boone, the newly appointed President and
Governor of Bombay. 2 The experiment of placing all the
Indian settlements under a 4 General ’ — in imitation of the
Dutch system — had proved a failure, and the Directors had*
resolved to revert to the pjan of keeping the administration of
the three groups of factories distinct. This was accompanied
by the dismissal of the existing General, William Aislabie, with
whose proceedings the Directors were profoundly dissatisfied ;
and on 16 March 1715 Boone was appointed to be the first
President and Governor of Bombay.

The two vessels lost company a week after leaving tne Cape
of Good Hope ; and, as the captain of the Queen had been
charged not to make Bombay before the Stanhope , he lingered
at Cochin and Calicut until that vessel came in. The two

1 Was he thinking of The Strange Surprising Adventures of Robinson
Crusoe of York , Mariner . . . . Written by Himself, which had already
gone through seven or eight editions ?

* For Boone’s personal history sec my article in the Journal of Indian
History, May 1923.

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WEST COAST OF INDIA

INTRODUCTION

viii

then proceeded leisurely up the coast. Bombay was reached
at Christinas, and Boone landed in state oil 2G» December.
The official list of Governors of Bombay (we may note in
passing) gives that date as the commencement of his period
of office. This is not strictly correct, for he had begun his
administration on 11) November at Anjengo, where lie, and the
Members of Council who were on board with him, sat as
President and Council to adjust the affairs of that factory.

The Queen sailed on her homeward voyage in Junuary
1710 ; but without Downing, who had presumably obtained
permission to remain behind and try his fortune in India.
He soon procured a post in a country vessel, which went to
Muskat for horses, and thence to Madras and Calcutta. The
name of*thc vessel is not given, but evidently it was the
Calicut Merchant , 'which was at Bombay when lie arrived ;
for on 25 January 1717 the Court Minutes of the Fast India
Company record the receipt of a petition from Sarah, wife of
Clement Downing, for permission to go to her husband, who
was mate of the Calicut Merchant and had written to her to
join him. The petition was referred to the Committee of
Shipping, whose decision is not recorded ; but evidently the
application was negatived.

Downing’s employment seems to have come to an end at
Madras, owing to the sale of the vessel. ITe, however, pro-
ceeded to Calcutta, either in her or in the Stanhope , which
called at Fort St. George (on her way to Bengal) in August
1710. From Calcutta he returned to Bombay in the Stanhope
as a passenger, arriving 21 December 1710. He then applied
for employment in the local marine Service, and (as he tells
us) received a commission 1 as second lieutenant in the Fame ,
then at Karwar. .In order to take up his post, he sailed for
that port in the Revenge on 12 March 1717. On the way down
the coast the Revenge met Commodore Weekes, by whose
orders she joined his squadron and co-operated in an attack
upon a stronghold which, for reasons given on p. JO, we
take to have been Rairi. The enterprise failed, and Wcekes’s
fleet proceeded to Karwar. Downing duly joined the Fame

1 According to tlic Bombay Consultations his commission was not
signed until \) August 1717.

INTRODUCTION

ix

and returned in her with the rest of the squadron to Roinbay
(19 May 1717). Boone and his Council were annoyed at the
failure of the expedition, and listened impatiently while
Weckcs and Stanton (the officer in command of the troops)
accused each other of mismanagement and lukewarmness.
A further cause for dissatisfaction was that Weckcs had
kept no account of his proceedings ; and on 10 June he was
removed from his command. Captain Alexander Hamilton,
who afterwards # wrote the well-known New Account of the
East Indies , had recently arrived in his trading ship, the
Morning Star , and all Bombay was talking of the smart way
in which he had repelled a brisk attack by a squadron of sea-
rovers. It was decided to offer him the succession to Weekes’s
post as commodore of the Company’s marine force ; and this
employment lie accepted.

His capabilities were soon to be tested, for at the beginning
of July came a letter from the factors at Karwar, reporting
serious trouble there. The English settlement was in the
dominions of the Sonda Raja, whose capital was the place of
l hat name (now a village near Sirsi, in North Kanara), and
who possessed the sea-board between Cape llamas and the
port of MIrjan. lie was practically independent, though he
acknowledged the suzerainty of the Great Mogul and paid
him tribute. A dispute over the wreck of an English-owned
country ship had led to the besieging of the factory by the
Raja’s troops. The call for help reached Bombay in the midst
of the south-west monsoon, and the immediate dispatch of
ships and troops was impossible. In response to a further and
more urgent appeal, received a month later, some vessels were
sent down the coast towards the end of August with a detach-
ment soldiers ; and further reinforcements sailed on
8 September under the command of Commodore Hamilton.
Downing had been posted to one of these vessels (the Thomas ),
apparently as chief mate.

On arriving in Karwar Bay, Hamilton found the force
previously sent awaiting him. The Karwar of that day stood
on the southern bank of the Kill mad i River, about 8 mites to
the east of the present town ; and direct access had been
barred by a chain drawn across the river and by batteries

X

INTRODUCTION

constructed on the banks. 1 * * It was necessary, therefore, to
effect a landing on the sandy beach which extends from
Baitkul Cove to the mouth of the river — an operation rendered
difficult by the heavy surf, and hazardous in the face of a
numerous enemy ensconced in thick woods running down
towards the shore. The attempt was made on 13 September
1717, with disastrous results. Two of the vessels were
stranded on the beach, and though the soldiers Struggled
ashore, their ammunition was rendered useless by th£ water,
and they were quickly overwhelmed by the Raja's forces.

The news of this repulse, with an appeal for reinforcements,
reached Bombay on 8 October, and during the next few weeks
ships and men were steadily directed to the scene of action.
About file middle of November, after receiving the first
reinforcements, a 1 second and equally unsuccessful attempt
was made to force a landing and relieve the beleaguered
factory. In his New Account (vol. i, p. 267) Hamilton tells us
that the enemy had constructed some batteries on shore, to
deal with which and cover the landing the English turned two
prizes into floating batteries and beached them. Supported
by the fire of these and of the fleet, a strong force was landed.
4 But our fresh water land officers,’ says Hamilton, 4 were so
long a-drawing up their men in a confounded hollow square
that the enemy took courage and witli horse and foot came
running towards our men, firing and wounding some as they
marched in their ranks ; Which our commandant seeing, pulled
off his red coat and vanished. Some other, as valiant captains
as he, took example and left their posts ; and then the soldiers
followed and threw down their arms. We lost in this skirmish
about 250. But our floting batteries would not permit the
enemy to pursue* far ; nor durst they stay to gather up our

1 In following these and later operations described by Downing,
reference may usefully be made to a work published in 1720, entitled
Observations upon several Voyages to India, Out and Home . It was

written by tho Captain Henry Cornwall mentioned on p. 26 of the
present volume, and was dedicated to Governor Boone. Tho contents
include sixty-one drawings of harbours, headlands, &c., in various parts
of the East Indies, and among these will bo found view-plans of Karwiir,

Kolaba, and Gheria. I am indebted to Mr. S. C. Hill for drawing my

attention to this work.

INTRODUCTION

xi

scattered arms. So about 80 sailers went on the field of battle
and brought on board of the commodore about 200 stand of
arms, most of them loaded. However, the enemy had some
loss too, for we found eleven horses dead and saw many fires
along the foot of the hills to burn their dead men in.’

The news of the second defeat was brought to Bombay by
the Britannia at the beginning of December. It was at once
resolvted* to send back that vessel with reinforcements, and
she sailed accordingly on the 4th. On 8 December, however,
came the intelligence that the Karwar factors had come to
terms with the Raja, and to this agreement approval was
accorded. 1

During the negotiations the Thomas had been sent to
Mangalore to procure rice. Having there laden a second
vessel as well, Capt. Holt put Downing ,% in charge of her,
directing him to keep company on the way to KaTwar. How-
ever, the Thomas outsailed her consort, and the latter reached
her destination to find that the fleet had sailed for Bombay.
The only course open to Downing was to follow ; and after
a tedious and anxious voyage of nearly six weeks he had the
satisfaction of bringing his craft safely into that harbour.

On returning to Bombay Commodore Hamilton threw up
his commission in disgust and resumed his trading operations.

. Before very long the force he had commanded was called upon
fo.r fresh efforts, this time against a far more formidable enemy,
namely, Kanhoji Angria. This celebrated individual had risen
by his daring and enterprise to the position of admiral of the
Maratha fleet (1698), and during the troubles that followed
the accession of Raja Shahu (the grandson of Sivaji), he had
played so bold a part that he had secured a position of virtual
independence. For some time the relations between him and
the fenglish remained fairly amicable. Disturbing incidents
were not wanting, for to the Marathas ships passing along their
coasts were legitimate prey unless hostilities were excluded by
express agreement, and even then the commanders and crews

1 Two accounts of the operations at Karwar — the one by Commodore
Hamilton and his colleagues, the other by the factors at Karwar — are
summarized in the India Office Abstracts of Bombay Letters , vol. i,
pp. 283, 285.

xii INTRODUCTION

of Angria’s vessels were apt to disregard instructions. Downing
gives several instances of English vessels being attacked ; but
these affairs were either passed over or made the subject of
remonstrance merely. The Bombay authorities were very
averse from quarrelling with so redoubtable a foe, though they
watched with apprehension his growing strength ; while he on
his side showed littje desire for an actual breach. The capture
of two small English vessels in’November 1712 threatened for
a time to bring about a rupture. Kanhoji, however, on a
demand being addressed to him for the release of the prisoners,
complied without demur, at the same time promising to
restore the prizes and their contents. After some negotiations
an agreement was reached in February 1713, by which he
undertook not to meddle with any vessels belonging either to
the English or to merchants living under their protection, and
not to hinder any ship from entering or leaving tne harbour of
Bombay ; and he further promised to permit English trade
in his ports, subject to the payment of the usual dues. On
their side the Bombay Council engaged to prevent any abuse
of the English Hag by traders of other nationalities, and to
allow Kanhoji’s vessels to use their ports, on payment of the
regular customs duties. He endeavoured to secure in addition
a pledge of English assistance 4 on any urgent occasion ’ ; but
the Council would not say more than that they would comply
4 as wee think fitt \

Kanhoji’s behaviour was doubtless due to the fact that not
( only was he on bad terms with the Portuguese but he was
absorbed in the struggle that was going on for the Maratha
throne. In this civil war he had taken sides with those who
were opposing Raja Shahu, and on behalf of that chieftain he
was assailed by an army headed by the Peshwa. K&nhoji
defeated this force and captured its leader ; after wnich,
flushed with victory, he threatened to march on Satara, the
capital. The Raja was in no condition to oppose him, and
negotiations were opened which resulted in an accommodation
(1713). Kanhoji agreed to transfer his support to SMhu, to
release the Peshwa, and to surrender most of the territory he
had conquered. In return he was confirmed in the control of the
coastal district ; and ten fortified places, including Khanderi,

INTRODUCTION

xiii

Kolaba, Suvarndrug, and Vijayadrug (Gheria), with sixteen
others of less importance, were made over to him ; while his
position as admiral of the Maratha naval forces was also con-
firmed. Some of the places ceded had been long in the
possession of the SIdi of Janjira, who objected to surrender
them ; but his territories were promptly invaded and he was
forced to submit. Thus Kanhoji became master of practically
the whole coast from Eombay liarbour to Malvan, with a
considerable tract stretching inland. In addition, he was on
friendly terms with the Khem Savants on his southern border
and he had behind him the support of the Sahara Raja. Ilis
position being thus strengthened, the restless chieftain began
to think that his bargain with the English was rather one-
sided, and that it would pay him better to plunder their ships
or at least to force them to buy passes from him to avoid
interference. For a time, however, he held his hand and
refrained from doing anything likely to cause a rupture.

Thus matters stood at the time of Boone’s arrival upon the
scene at the end of 1715. Thereupon 4 Angria sent the
Governour some complemental letters ; then sent others
complaining of ill usage in return of the good ofliccs he had
done, and boasted of his successes. The Governour answerd
[that] if he kept the articles of the treaty, it would be well :
if he had just cause to complain, it should be remedy ’d . . .
that the English never boasted of their performances, but
let’ their actions do it ’. In reporting this to the Company
(0 March 1716), Boone added that some outstanding claims
would be pressed upon Kanhoji when the English were 4 in
a good posture to oppose him ; till then keep fair, but
must not be too supple ’ ( Abstracts of Bombay Letters , vol. i,
p. 238V

The situation was not improved by the ill-success of the
expedition to Karwar, which demonstrated that the forces of
the English were not so formidable as had been thought ;
while there were always grounds for a quarrel in the suspicion
that their flag was being used to shield vessels of alien owner-
ship. In consequence, Kanhoji’s officers seized firs* the
Success and then the Robert , both country ships, and difficulties
were made about releasing them. To the President’s remon-

xiv

INTRODUCTION

strances Kanhoji replied that 4 if the English will freight on
countrey shipping, they must expect that he will make prize
of them \ Early in March 1718 it was learnt that the Otter
from Bengal had been captured, and the Englishmen on board
had been treated with barbarous cruelty. Boone was absent
at the time, having gone to Surat ; but on his return he
(5 April) obtained the consent of his Council to retaliate by
instructing their armed vessels to capture or destroy any of
Kanhoji’s ships they might meet. Four days later came
a letter from that chieftain, 1 complaining that the cargo of an
AlTbag ship had been seized at Mahfm, and intimating that,
since the English had thus broken the peace, none of their
vessels would be allowed to use his rivers, while in future
4 what God gives, I shall take \ To this Boone replied firmly,
declaring that the. ship in question belonged to Bombay, that
he was ready to negotiate over any differences, and that, while
he would regret a rupture, yet, if Kanhoji was determined to
resort to arms, 4 then what God pleases shall come to pass \
Early in May arrived a long answer from the Maratha chief,
reciting his grievances and accusing the English of having
provoked hostilities. Boone retorted on 5 May, traversing his
assertions and declaring that, unless restitution were at once
made, steps would be taken to bring him to reason. A further
seizure of Kanhoji’s officers was followed by a series of retalia-
tory raids upon his coasts, with varying success ; and on
13 June 1718 Boone published a proclamation which was in
effect a declaration of war.

Throughout the autumn preparations went on for striking
a blow at Kanhoji Angria’s shipping and forts. All the
available war vessels were mustered, a force of soldiers was
embarked, and twp Indiamen (the Dartmouth and the Addison)
were ordered to join the squadron. Boone himself took com-
mand, hoisting his flag in the last-named vessel on 1 November.
The attack was first directed upon the island-fortress of
Khanderi, at the mouth of Bombay harbour. This was
heavily bombarded, and on 6 and 7 November landings were
effected ; but, in spite of the gallantry of the sailors, all

4 In this he styled himself 4 Subadar of Cullaby ’ (Kolaba).

BOMBAY AND ITS VICINITY

xvi INTRODUCTION

attempts to storm the fortifications failed. 1 On the 9th the
fleet stood over to Kolaba, which was bombarded^it intervals,
but without producing any result other than a delusive offer
of negotiations for peace. After some delay Boone himself
returned to Bombay, from whence he sent instructions for the
fleet to proceed down the coast to Vijayadrug (Gheria) and do
what damage it could to the forts and shipping there. The
result is given as follows in an abstract of a letter from Bombay
to the Company of 9 January 1719 : ‘On the 23th November
three frigots, with the galleys, a bomb ketch, small fire ship,
and some gallevats, were sent to visit Angria’s harbours, to
engage or burn his grabs. At Vissundroog they found one ;
but the fire vcssell blew up, by a shot from the enemy, before
she boarded the grab. Going to Carwar to clean, they met
Angria’s fleet and took four of their prizes, which are on their
way to Bombay ; but the grabs got away, being little wind ’.
The log of the Addison records that on 24 November that
vessel sailed from Kolaba, in company with the Duke of York
and all the Company’s war vessels, ‘ thay being bound in to
Visenbuke to distroy Angcries grabes \ The Addison lost
company on the same evening, and, except for a momentary
glimpse of the squadron on the 29th, saw no more of it until
it came into Karwar Bay on 6 December, bringing the four
prizes. On the 22nd the squadron, accompanied by the
Addison , sailed for Bombay. Seven days later they anchored
off Vijayadrug, and ‘ several of the gallivats ’, says the log,
‘ went in to the river to see if thier was any of Angries grabs
thier, our desine being to burn them ; butt thier was not any
in the river. Att seven att night tile bomb ketch went near
the fort to heve in some cowhorns ; 2 which they did and sett
fier [to] several bouse[s], About one in the morning, ^having
expended all thier shells, she came out \ The squadron. .then
resumed its voyage to Bombay.

Such is the story, so far as it can be gathered from the
contemporary records. Turning now to Downing’s account,
we find a puzzling state of affairs. He describes an attack upon

1 An account of the operations will bo found in the log of the Addison
(India Office, no. 703 A). See also Biddulph’s Pirates of Malabar , p. 122.

1 Shells from cohorns (small mortars).

INTRODUCTION

xvii

Vijayadrug in April 1717 (of which no trace can be found in
the records)* and some pages later on gives an account of the
attempt on Khanderi, which he dates (quite correctly) as
November 1718. Moreover, his narrative of the fighting at
the former place speaks of a military force being landed, and
of this there is no trace in the other accounts. What is the
explanation of these discrepancies ? Colonel Biddulph ( Pirates
of Malabar , p. 100) suggests that Downing made a mistake as
to the date of the expedition to Vijayadrug, and that, instead
of April 1717, it stiould be placed in June 1718; but the records
he cites do not mention that place as the objective, and it
seems clear that they refer merely to a minor raid on Angria’s
coast districts near Bombay. The true explanation is that
Downing did not participate in the Vijayadrug affair,' “though,
writing some eighteen years after, he thought it safe to claim
the credit of having done so. The ledger of the Morrice East
Indiaman (I. O., no. 679 F) shows that he engaged himself as
a seaman on board of her on 27 March 1718, when she was
about to sail for Mokha. She returned to Bombay on 4 Sep-
tember, and departed for Surat on the 28th of the same month.
On 6 November she reached Bombay harbour again, but was
at once ordered to join Boone’s squadron off Khanderi. A
party of her seamen — doubtless Downing was among them —
took part in the assault ; but on 8 November she was sent
into Bombay harbour, and so she had no share in the further
expedition to Kolaba and Vijayadrug. This enables us to
place matters in their right perspective. Not very long after ,
his return to Bombay, Downing must have resigned (or been
dismissed from) his post ih the marine service ; 1 and lie then
obtained a berth upon the Morrice , in which vessel he served
continuously until her arrival in England. Ho would naturally
hear at the time about the attack upon Vijayadrug ; and on
his return to India in 1721 he doubtless gleaned particulars of
the further attack upon the same place made in 1720 (sec
p. 46). His account seems to be a mixture of the two. He
did take part in the assault upon Khanderi, but here again he

4

1 Apparently it was during his employment in that force that the
undated incident mentioned on p. 131 occurred. He there says that he
was then serving as second lieutenant in the Victoria , under Wilkie.

b

xviii

INTRODUCTION

dresses up the story to suggest that he was still in a position
of responsibility on one of the war vessels. IJis object in
misrepresenting matters was probably to exaggerate the part
he had played in the operations against Angria, in order to
strengthen his case in the application he was making to the
Company to engage his services afresh.

The same ledger which has enabled us to detect his mis-
representations enlightens us<> also <as to the way .in which
Downing got back to England in 1719 — a point on ydiich he
nowhere vouchsafes information. As already mentioned, lie
went home in the Mortice , which sailed from Bombay on
10 January of that year, and reached the Thames in the
following August. On the 22nd of that month Downing was
discharged at Woolwich, and on 15 October he signed a receipt
for his pay for 16 months 25 days at 26s. per month. He
owed the captain close upon 16/., and after other deductions

he had only 3/. 17s. to draw. Even that was attached by
a creditor, who had a claim for 10/. against him ; and he must
therefore have found himself in straitened circumstances at
the end of this his first visit to the East.

As we arc here concerned mainly with Downing’s personal
history, it is unnecessary to examine closely the account he
gives of events at Bombay during J 71 9 ajid 1720, except to
notice that he represents himself as being on the spot all the
time. Indeed, from what is said in the first section of the
narrative the reader would conclude that Downing’^ service
in India was continuous from 1715 to 1723.

After a stay in England of about eighteen months, Downing
sailed again for the East in February 1721, this time in
a vessel of the royal navy. The representations of the East
Ind^a Company had induced the British Government to send
out a squadron of four ships, under Commodore Thomas
Mathew's, to clear the Eastern seas of the European pirates

INTRODUCTION

xix

who were doing serious damage to trade. Downing was on
board the Salisbury, which was commanded by Capt. Cockburn.
He asserts that his post was that of midshipman — a rank
which had not yet been reserved for commissioned officers,
but could be attained by any seaman of experience. The
ship’s pay book (Public Record Office, no. 303) shows, how-
ever, that he enlisted (10 December 1720) as an able seaman,
and \jas. paid as such during the whole of the period he was
on bosh'd. The explanation may be that, on one or more
occasions, he acted as a midshipman, and, writing years after,
arrogated to himself that rank.

The choice of Mathews for the command of the squadron
was an unfortunate one. Though brave and energetic, he was
hot-headed and blundering, as indeed is evident from.Jiis later
career ; while his arrogant demeanour was .continually giving
offence. Horace Mann summed him up as 4 void of common
sense, good manners, or knowledge of the world ’ ; and it
should have been easy to discern that to send such a man to
the East without precise instructions as to his behaviour in
relation to the Company’s servants would inevitably lead to
serious trouble. His chief aim during his stay in Indian waters
seems to have been to amass a fortune by trading, and lie
unblushingly used His Majesty’s ships for that purpose. This,
and perhaps the arbitrary way in which he displaced or
transferred his officers, rendered him very unpopular in the
fleet, as is evinced by the tone of Downing’s references to him.

Of the voyage out our author gives an interesting account.
Bad weather was experienced in the Channel and in the Bay,
with the result that the Salisbury and the Exeter were forced
to go into Lisbon for repairs. Mathews in the Lion , with the
Shoreham in company, proceeded on his voyage, and reached
Boiqbay on 27 August 1721 ; the Exeter arrived on 15 Sep-
tember ; and the Salisbury a fortnight later. On the Com-
modore’s arrival Boone refused to Are a salute until the King’s
ships had done so, asserting that such had been the rule on
previous occasions. Mathews was equally determined not to
take the initiative, and the dispute was only terminated by
the arrival, nine days later, of a letter from the Company
ordering that, to avoid any possible friction, the fort should

b 2

XX

INTRODUCTION

fire first. It was a bad beginning, and the dispute proved to be
the forerunner of many others between the Commodore and the
Company’s servants during his stay in Indian waters.

The squadron had arrived at an opportune moment. On
7 September came a letter from Robert Cowan, whom Boone
had sent to Goa some time before, announcing that an agree-
ment 1 had been concluded with the Viceroy for an offensive
and defensive alliance against Arfgria. Early in* October
Cowan himself arrived at Bombay, bringing the treaty, which
was signed by Boone two days later. Preparations were at
once commenced for the proposed expedition, in which
Mathews with his squadron was to co-operatc ; and at the end
of November the fleet sailed for Chaul, where the Portuguese
awaitecKheir coming. Cowan, who had been made a Member
of Council in reward for his services, was appointed to the
command of the Bombay force, in the hope that his acquaint-
ance with the Viceroy would secure harmonious relations with
the Portuguese. Of the operations that followed, 2 which were
attended by the usual failure, Downing gives a lively account ;
and this we may supplement by the following excerpts from
the contemporary abstract of a dispatch from Bombay (the
original being no longer extant) :

Letter of 28 December 1721. — Pursuant to the 'treaty sent,
the Viceroy, with four Portugeez ships (from 60 to 70 guns)
and grabs and munchuas [see p. 14], arriv’d before Choul
19th November. Their troops landed with expedition. The
English joyn’d them ; and the 2d. instant marcht to take
Allabag, a fort which protects the watering place of Calaby
[Kolaba] ; passing over two rivers, from whence repulsed the
enemy. Hope to hear speedily its taken and Callaby invested.
Particulars of the English forces : 2,409 men, 14 great guns,
two mortars, eight cohorns. The Portugeez in all 3,860 ;
22 great guns, eight large mortars. Cant yet learn the'enemys
strength. Have hitherto appear’ d with 500 horse and 1 000 foot,

1 Printed in Biker’s Tratados , vol. iii, p. 242. It was dated 10/20 Au-
gust 1721, and provided for joint military operations against Kolaba
and ‘Griem* (Gheria ?), stipulating that, if these were successful, the
former place should be given to the Portuguese and the latter to the
English.

a A narrative of tho part played by the Portuguese will be found in
Danvers’s Portuguese in India (vol. ii, p. 391).

INTRODUCTION

xxi

besides what in garrison. Portugeez troops but indifferent.
Hope the Viceroy and English may animate them and the
expedition prove successfull. . . . (Added later) The expedition
against Angria defeated by the cowardice and treachery of the
Portugeez. Trying to scale Ally bag Fort, the wall proved too
high. Many of the English dammaged by their own shells.
The mariners from the men of war suffer’d most in the retreat,
being not under good command. The Viceroy, indisposed,
left thje camp and got aboard ship, and could not be prevail’d
on to gq ashore. The Portugeez troops dispirited and, hearing
that Angria had assistance coming to him, they would come to
a treaty. Apprehend [they] have made terms exclusive of the
English, though contrary to articles. . . . The Commodore
greatly commended for his assistance. The English behav’d
as they should. Had the Portugeez done so, had taken all the
forts. ( Postscript of 8 January 1722.) — The fleet,, against
Angria return’d the 30th December. The Show Rajahs 1
general proposing an accommodation, Mr: Cowan sent to
treat as per instructions given him ; but the Portugeez had
ratify’d a treaty exclusive of the English (as he found on his
arrivall), though they had in the treaty of alliance stipulated
the contrary. Mr. Cowan order’d to insist on ratifying the
treaty made anno 1719 with the Show Rajah and Angrias
envoys, with some additions. Rut they sending no persons
to treat, Mr. Cowan return’d.

It will be seen that the Bombay Government placed the
whole blame of the failure upon the Portuguese ; but this is
scarcely a sufficient explanation. It seems clear that the
ill-success of this, as of the former expeditions, was due mainly
to the poor quality of the troops available at Bombay. These
were made up partly of Europeans, largely deserters or broken
down men who could find no better employment : partly of
‘ topasses ’ — half-castes claiming Portuguese descent : and
partly of Indian mercenaries, who had small reason to hazard
their lives in the service of alien masters. Their officers had
little '"or no military experience ; in fact several were junior
servants on the Company’s establishment who preferred
soldiering to the dull routine of commercial life. Discipline
was slack, and drunkenness was rampant in all ranks. Such
a force might be adequate to defend the island of Bombay
against occasional raids, but it made a poor show when it was
a question of storming fortifications held by a determined
1 Baja Shahu, the head of the Marathas.

xxii INTRODUCTION

enemy. In point of fact, on each occasion the brunt of the
fighting seems to have fallen upon the British sesfmen, whose
gallantry left nothing to be desired.

If Downing really took part (as he alleges) in the attack
upon Alibag, it must have been, not as a seaman in the
Salisbury, but as an officer once again in the Company’s armed
vessels. The pay-book of the Salisbury records that he was
discharged from that ship on 10 October 1721 (i.e. soon after
her arrival) ‘ on preferment and did not rejoin until 1 January
1722. Since there is no trace of his having been transferred to
another unit of Mathew’s squadron, we must infer that he
had obtained a post in the Company’s marine, recruits for
which wpe doubtless being sought, in view of the proposed
operations. If, however, the incidents related on pp. 188-91
occurred during ttiis period of Downing’s service (as seems
likely), it is doubtful whether he could have shared in the
Allbag expedition. The only vessels noted in the Bombay
consultations as having gone towards Cambay during these
three months were the Hunter galley and the Emilia sloop ;
and they sailed on 2 December and returned on the 28tli of
that month. It will be noticed that Downing mentions the
Hunter as the companion vessel to the one he was in, and says
that the incident was subsequent to the establishment of
Whitehill at Cambay. The latter statement is clearly wrong,
for Whitehill did not reach that post until October 1722,
after which we can account for all Downing’s movements ;
but it is not so far out as it would be if we adopted the
alternative theory that the incidents referred to occurred
during Downing’s first period of service in the Bombay marine
force.

In January 1722 Governor Boone, after six years of office,
handed over charge to his Second in Council, William Pliipps,
and embarked for England. He was thus spared the indignity
of being turned out by his employers, who, on 24 March
following, wrote a tart letter, criticizing his administration on
many points and showing special dissatisfaction with the high
rate of expenditure at Bombay. The immediate cause of his
dismissal Was, however, his action in dismissing from the service
(April 1721) John Braddyll, his Second in Council, and certain

INTRODUCTION

xxiii

other of the Company’s officials. Into the details of this
incident we 'need not enter, except to say that Boone’s motive
was apparently an honest conviction that Braddyll was
secretly conniving at a movement which aimed at wresting
the administration out of the Governor’s hands and vesting
it in his own. Upon his dismissal Braddyll, with Laurence
Parker (who had also been ejected from the service), fled to
Portuguese territory ; but later in the year, after the return
of Commodore Mathews to Bombay, the two fugitives re-
appeared and placed themselves under his protection. This
was readily accorded ; whereupon Boone and his Council,
finding the position embarrassing, thought it expedient to
allow Braddyll to embark for England unmolested. The
Company took an unfavourable view of the Governor’s
behaviour in the affair, and, in the letter referred to, ordered
that, if he was still at Bombay when it arrived, he should
resign his charge to Phipps and proceed to England. Braddyll
was reinstated by the Company and returned to Bombay in
December 1723 as Third in Council.

Mathews proved quite as troublesome to the new Governor
(Phipps) as he had been to his predecessor. On 29 January
1722 the Bombay Council wrote to the Directors complaining
of the Commodore’s haughty and arbitrary behaviour, in total
disregard of the Company’s interests, and accusing him of
taking up money for private trade by drawing bills on the
Admiralty in excess of the requirements of the squadron. In
a subsequent letter (23 March 1722) they declared that his
suspension of Sir Robert. Johnson (the captain of the Exeter)
was really due to the fact that the latter was favourably
disposed towards the Company and its servants.

Hoover, the Bombay Government was ’to be relieved of
the presence of Mathews for nearly a year. At the end of
January 1722, that officer departed on a voyage to Mada-
gascar, in search of the pirates whom it was his special mission
to extirpate. Downing, as we have seen, had rejoined the
Salisbury at the beginning of the year. Why he should have
quitted the Company’s service so quickly we cannot tell ;
but it is not unlikely that he was influenced by the prevalent
impression that the pirates possessed an immense stock of

xxiv

INTRODUCTION

wealth, and that the amount of booty to be obtained from
them was very large. However this may have been, we owe
to his participation a detailed and interesting account of the
proceedings of Mathews’s squadron. The ships touched at
Mauritius and Reunion, and then proceeded to the island of
St. Mary, on the north-eastern side of Madagascar. There
they found the discarded spoils of the pirates, but no sign of
the rogues themselves, who, Earned by a letter imprudently
left by Mathews at St. Augustine’s Bay on his putward Voyage,
had retreated to the southern part of the island. The Com-
modore, who was evidently lialf-hcarted in his quest, made
no attempt to follow them ; and after some delay proceeded
round the north of the island, finally repairing to the Comoros.
Thence f on 10 June he departed for Madras and Bengal —
which, as Downing caustically observes, were 4 not very
likely places to find the pyrates ’ — leaving orders that the
Salisbury and Exeter were to go to the Straits of Babelmandcb
and there cruise for pirates. They sailed on this mission on
9 July and remained in the neighbourhood of the Straits until
towards the end of August, when they sailed for Bombay,
arriving 8 September 1722.

The Lion , Mathews’s flag-ship, reached the same port on
0 December following, and the Commodore at once took up
his old attitude of obstructing the proceedings of the Governor
and Council. Capt. Cockburn, who had lent some men from
the Salisbury to assist in driving off the Portuguese (who were
preventing provisions from reaching Bombay), was censured
and suspended from his command. On 11 January 1723
Governor Phipps and his Council reported to the effect that
4 Mr. Mathews espouses all delinquents causes, and interposes
in the Company s affairs. Brought Mrs. Gyfford with him from
Bengal, and secured her effects, attacht towards paying her
husbands debts. . . . He sent the President copy of the late
brokers petition and says [he] will carry him to England,
desiring the brother to be released from his confinement ;
whereupon answer was sent him the brokers were the Companys
debtors on account of frauds, and he [was] desired not to
interfere in the Companys affairs ’ (Bombay Abstracts , vol. i,
p, 450).

INTRODUCTION

XXV

For a time there was a prospect of relief from the Commo-
dore’s antagonism, for he had announced his intention of
taking home his squadron immediately ; but he changed his
mind. After dispatching the Exeter to England on 13 January
1723, he remained himself until the close of the year, busy
with voyages for trading purposes, and still quarrelling with
the Company’s servants at every opportunity. Finally he
departed in the Lion on* 2 8 December 1723, followed by the
Shoreh&m on 6 i( January. The Salisbury had already gone
home.

Upon the arrival of Mathews in England (July 1724) the
East India Company complained to the Admiralty of his
outrageous behaviour. Charges were also brought against
him by the captain of the Shoreham, with the resurf that lie
was tried by court martial in the following December. The
Company, being unwilling to push matters to an extremity,
had decided not to lay any criminal charge against him, such
as trading with pirates, and they abstained from appearing
at the court martial. lie therefore got off lightly, being
merely adjudged guilty of receiving merchandise on board
and of sending men irregularly to merchant ships ; and for
these offences he was mulcted of four months’ pay (Biddulplrs
Pirates of Malabar , p. 200). The Company, however, brought
a civil action for damages in the Court of Exchequer, and
obtained a verdict against him for 13,676J. 17s. 6d., 4 being the
value proved at the tryal that he had traded for ’ ; and this
sum, in accordance with the Act of Parliament, was doubled •
as a penalty (Company to Bombay , 2 April 1725). The de-
fendant’s counsel promptly took out a writ of error, which
delayed matters until May 1728. Then Mathews wrote to the
Directcrs, through Sir Charles Wager, one of the Commissioners
of the Admiralty, begging them to drop the proceedings. The
matter was left by the Court of Directors to the Committee
of Correspondence to settle as they thought fit. Their decision
is not on record ; but probably they concluded that there was
little chance of getting so large a sum from Mathews, that any
attempt would offend his powerful friends, and that the Wisest
course, therefore, was to abandon the claim.

Though it is evident enough from his narrative that Downing

xxvi

INTRODUCTION

did not go home in the Salisbury , he nowhere explains the
> reason. This is supplied by the ship’s pay-book, which records
curtly that he deserted at Surat on 27 November 1722. We
may infer that he was afraid that the squadron was going
home immediately, and that, wishing to earn more money
before he did so, lie had determined to try his luck up country,
where an English sailor was sure of a well-paid billet as an
artilleryman. It is true that on pp. Ill, 180 he makes refer-
ences to his having been taken by some pirate.3 and put ashore
at a place about thirty miles from Cambay, whereupon he
made for Baroda ; but on the latter page the truth seems to
slip out in his statement that he and two companions set out
* to travel from Surat to Bengal ’, while on p. 135 he mentions
that during his journey to Baroda he reached a town situated
between Surat and Broach, and this is quite inconsistent
with his statement about his place of landing. Moreover, if
his absence from duty had been caused by his being captured
by pirates, why did he not, upon release, make for Surat to
rejoin his ship ? And why is there no mention in the ship’s
log, or the Bombay records, of the capture ? We must
conclude that his story was a mere blind to conceal the fact
that he was a deserter from the royal navy. His statement
that his design was ultimately to proceed via Delhi to Bengal
is probably correct. It would not be safe to appear at Surat
so soon after deserting from the navy ; but he might well hope
that later, at a distant station where lie was not known, lie
could secure a berth on board one of the Company’s vessels,
the captains of which were generally short of sailors and glad
to take an experienced hand without asking inconvenient
questions.

We may accept then as a fact that Downing was at Baroda
in December 1722, and there took service under one of the
Mughal generals as a captain of artillery. Before, however,
we proceed to follow his fortunes farther, it may be well to
glance at the state of affairs in Gujarat during the period
(nine a or ten months) in which he was thus employed. For
this purpose a brief summary must suffice ; but any one
desirous of fuller information should consult Irvine’s Later

INTRODUCTION

xxvii

Mughals (vol. ii, chs. vii and viii), the Bombay Gazetteer (vol. i,
pt. i, pp. 302 et seq.), and Elliot and Dowson’s History of India
(vol. vii, pp. 517-30).

Gujarat was at this time disturbed, not merely by the
constant raids of the Marathas, but also by the struggles for
power by rival chiefs, each claiming to act in the name of the
Mughal Emperor. The latter, Muhammad Shah, a feeble
monarch, possessed little rear authority and maintained his
position chiefly by playing off one powerful servant against
another. In October 1721 Haidar Kuli Khan was appointed
viceroy of the province, but it was not until the following
June that he reached his post at Ahmadabad. His arbitrary
behaviour soon alarmed his imperial master, with the result
that in October 1722 the post of viceroy of Gujarat was con-
ferred upon Chin Kilich Khan, 1 Nizam-ul-lVfulk, who had been
previously summoned to Delhi from the Deccan to take up
the post of Wazlr of the empire. He set out slowly towards
Ahmadabad in the following month, but got no farther than
Dhar, whence he swerved into Malwa and then returned to
Delhi (July 1723). He was as much mistrusted at court as
Haidar Kuli Khan had been, and doubts as to his intentions
towards his sovereign may have given rise to rumours which
would account for Downing representing him as actually in
rebellion. At Delhi the Nizam endeavoured to restore order
in the administration, but found all his efforts frustrated by
the worthless favourites who surrounded the Emperor, while
the constant intrigues of his enemies threatened his own
position. He therefore quitted the court (December 1723) on
the pretext of ill-health, and proceeded to Muradabad. News
of fresh invasions of Gujarat and Malwa by the Marathas drew
him southwards to expel them ; but on his Way he learnt that
his opponents at court had prevailed upon the Emperor to
appoint his subordinate at Hyderabad to the charge of the
Deccan, and he thereupon hastened thither himself to assert
his own authority.

On abandoning his journey to Ahmadabad in February
1723, the Nizam had appointed his uncle, Hamid Khdn, to
1 Known to the English factors as ‘ Chicklis Caun \

xxviii

INTRODUCTION

be his deputy in Gujarat. About the same time Haidar Kuli
Khan quitted the province, and marching by wuy of Ajmer
to avoid falling in with the Nizam’s troops, reached Delhi in
safety. He had left Gujarat in the charge of Shuja'at Khan,
one of his principal supporters ; but in April Hamid Khan
arrived and took charge of the administration. Shuja'at
Khan and his brother, Rustam Ali Khan, remained, however,
at the head of their respective armies, which were employed
against the Marathas and the insurgent Koli§ ; and there was
bitter enmity between them and the new deputy- viceroy. In
December 1723 the Nizam resigned his titular appointments
of Wazlr and Viceroy of Gujarat and Malwa ; and thereupon
Sarbuland Khan was nominated viceroy of the former province,
the administration of which lie entrusted to Shuja'at Khan
as his deputy. This, however, carries us beyond the limits of
our story. All the time the Marathas had been ravaging
Gujarat ; while the Kolis — the aboriginal hill and coast tribes,
who had never wholly submitted to Mughal rule — were
chronically in rebellion.

Downing’s account of his experiences, though deeply in-
teresting, is far from clear. Nor is this surprising. Probably
he understood little of the real position of affairs ; and, writing
thirteen years later, lie seems to have mixed up things heard
with things seen. He describes marches and countermarches,
conflicts with Marathas and Kolis, the destruction of Hindu
temples and the plundering and burning of towns ; but he
t gives no dates and few place-names, while it is seldom possible
to date from other sources the incidents he records. To
construct an orderly narrative from' his rambling statements
seems an impossible task, and it is best to take his story as
a patchwork of confused recollections. .»

After nine months or so of campaigning, Downing grew
tired of the life. He had, as he tells us, 6 pretty well feather’d
his nest and he was evidently anxious to return to England.
Accordingly he resigned his post and went down with a caravan
from Ahmadabad to Surat. There lie found the King George
India.nan, aboard which without difficulty he obtained em-
ployment. The ship returned to Bombay and from thence on

INTRODUCTION

xxix

12 November 1723, sailed for England, where she arrived at
the end of the following May.

Downing tells us that his departure from Ahmadabad took
place in ‘ the latter end of November ’ ; this is impossible,
seeing that the ledger of the King George (I. O. records,
no. 402 N) gives the date of his engagement as 11 October,
and at the time he mentions the vessel was on her way home.
He likewise declares that-during the voyage he acted as fourth
mate. With regard to that assertion, we can only note that,
according to the same ledger, he was paid merely as a seaman,
at 23 s. a month.

Evidently our author had now had enough for the time
being of a roaming life, for we find him, in the year after his
return, occupying the humble position of a labourer in the
East India Company’s Drug Warehouse. This we learn from
an entry in the Court Minutes of 1 September 1725, which
records the receipt of a petition from him, complaining that
he had been turned out of that employment. The matter
was referred to the Committee of Warehouses for investigation ;
and the same course was taken with a letter received from
Downing in the following November. No report on the subject
has been traced, and we are left in doubt whether he was
reinstated ; but the probability seems to be that he was not,
and that he had to seek some other means of livelihood. His
inability to retain a post for any length of time suggests some
fault in Downing himself. That he was quarrelsome or in-
subordinate does not appear from his narrative ; but one
might perhaps infer, from a passage on p. 143, that he was
too much addicted to liquor — a common fault among the
sailors of that period. However this may be, it is evident
that lie was still looking back with regret (cf. p. 182) to his
experiences in India, for on 16 February 1726 another petition
from him to the Directors was read, praying to be sent to
Bombay, with his wife and child, and to be there employed,
either in the land or sea service. This was referred to the
Committee of Shipping, whose decision is not on record,
though evidently it was unfavourable. There is then a blank
of ten years, during which we know nothing of his doings.

XXX

INTRODUCTION

The clue to the rest of the story is given in the publisher’s
preface to his book, which states that ‘ our author is at this
time employ’d in a reputable Post in the Expedition now on
foQt, and went with the Ships &c. to the East Indies in 1736
A search in the records for that year has revealed the fact that
he went out in the Wilmington in the autumn of 1736. That
vessel was being dispatched for the special purpose of guarding
the Company’s shipping against pirates, and her captain,
Charles Massey, was to be commodore of the navel forces
whilst in Eastern waters. She and her consort, the Montagu ,
carried a number of soldiers and sailors to be employed at
Bombay ; and we presume that Downing, on the score of his
previous experience, had obtained inclusion in their number,
possibly as a petty officer.

The Wilmington left the Downs on 26 November, and after
calling at the usual places on her way, reached Bombay on
3 July 1737, and landed her passengers. Downing is nowhere
mentioned in the log (640 B) ; but in the corresponding ledger
(640 F) we find entered at the end an account of the sale of his
effects, producing 6 1. 6s. 6d., which was paid over to the captain
at the end of the voyage, presumably to await a claim from
any person entitled to it. No date is given, and the entry
seems to have been made merely because the money was
temporarily in the charge of the purser. There were eight
purchasers at the auction, and in each case the amount was
entered in the buyer’s account as 6 dead men’s effects ’. This
proves that Downing died during the voyage out, i.e. at some
* date between November 1736 and July 1737. It may seem
strange that no entry of the event was made in the log ; but
possibly Capt. Massey regarded Downing and his companions
as passengers merely, and left any casualties occurring amongst
them to be notified by the officer in charge. The letter JFrom
Bombay, replying to the one brought out by the Wilmington,
is unfortunately missing ; otherwise that might have given
a list of the deaths that had happened amongst the recruits.

The arrangement of the book is somewhat peculiar. It
seen\s clear that the first 68 pages, which carry the story down
to the time of writing (1736), were all that Downing had at

INTRODUCTION

xxxi

first intended to publish ; and possibly they were composed
for the purpose of helping him to obtain re-employment
in the Company’s service. Then comes a second section, with
a special preface by the author, giving a more detailed account
of the cruise of Mathews’s squadron. This is followed by
a third, which supplies further particulars of the ex-pirate
Plantain and his wars in Madagascar, together with 4 an
additional history of the Indian wars ’ ; and the third section,
we may note, is longer than the other two put together. What
is the explanation of such a haphazard arrangement ? The
hypothesis of separate publication, followed by a collection
of the three into one volume, is negatived both by considera-
tions of date and by the absence of any trace of such issues.
The only supposition that seems to offer a reasonable ex-
planation is that the publisher, after getting the first part into
type, thought so well of its chances of success that he asked
for more ; whereupon Downing, glad of the chance of earning
a little money, readily supplied him with the second and then
with the third portion of the work.

After making all deductions on the score of inaccuracies,
both wilful and involuntary, the fact remains that the work
is a valuable contribution to our knowledge of the course of
events in India at the period with which it is concerned, and
is especially useful on account of the scarcity of other materials
from the English side. In particular, the intimate details it
supplies — details not to be obtained from ollicial sources —
throw much light upon the life of the time and help us to
realize the state of affairs in the Company’s settlements.
Considerable use has been made of Downing’s book in various
ollicial publications, as well as in such works as Low’s History
of the Indian Wars , Col. John Biddulph’s Pirates of Malabar,
and r Messrs. Kincaid and Parasnis’s History of the Maratha
People . The sifting his statements have now undergone has
shown that those authors have sometimes been misled by his
assertions ; but the corrections do not seriously affect the
general trustworthiness of his account of events, and the
narrative remains one which no student of the history of that
time can afford to neglect.

xxxii

INTRODUCTION

The text has been reprinted exactly as it stands in the
original edition, with the exception that obvious errors due to
the printer have been corrected. Downing’s few notes arc
distinguished by the old-fashioned asterisk, &c. ; the rest are
editorial. It has not been deemed necessary to call attention
to some minor errors, such as the incorrect latitude and long*-
tude assigned to certain places ; the reader will assume tlat
in this respect Downing was not more accurate than most of
his contemporaries.

A Compendious

HISTORY

A P rp TT TJ

INDIAN WARS;

WITH

An Account of the Rise, Progress,
Strength, and Forces of

Anoria the Pyrate.

ALSO

The Transactions of a Squadron
of Men of War under Commodore
Matthews , fentito the Eaji-Indies to
fupprefs the P Y R A T E S.

To which is annex’d.

An Additional History of the Wars
between the Great Mogul , Angria> and
his Allies.

With an Account of the Life and Actions of
JOHN PLANTAIN, a notorious Pyrate
at Madagafcar ; his Wars with the Natives
on that Iiland, where having continued eight
Years, he join’d Angr'ta , and was made his
chief Admiral.

_ By CLEMENT DOWNING,

y Midihipman on board the Salisbury $ afterwards Lieutenant of
the Vi (lory Frigate , Fame Gaily, and Revenge Grab , part of
the Squadron employ'd by the Eaft-India Company to attack
Angriai and fomctime Engineer in the Service of the
Great Mogul.

London: Printed for T. Cooper, at the Globe in •
Pater-nojler Row. M.DCC.XXXVIL
(Price bound 2 r. 6 d.)

TO THE

R E A D E R.

THE following Accounts were wrote by Mr. Clement Down-
ing, who for some Years was employ'd in the East-Indies in
several reputable Posts ; and consequently an Eye-witness of
most of the Transactions here mention'd.

It was thought proper to premise this ; as the World has been
of late very much imposed on by fictitious Pieces , under the Titles
of Voyages , Travels , Memoirs , &c. with sham Names prefix'd
as the Authors. This sort of Writings has been collected from
different Books , alter'd , enlarg'd , abridg'd , jumbled together , to
serve the turn ; and many improbable Incidents added , to amuse
the Imagination of the Reader , but of no real Use to inform his
Understanding.

As there have been very few Relations of the Transactions in
the East-Indies between the English and Angria, a History of
the Rise, Progress , Strength, and Forces of this formidable
Pyrate must certainly be very entertaining. This is what our
Author has done in a very concise, tho ' particular manner ; he
has also given an Account of the Attacks made on his Forts and
strong Places, in order to drive him from the Sea-coasts. In this
the Reader should allow for the known Partiality of an English
SaiW to those of his own Country and Profession ; and for some
little Prejudice against the Land-Forces, very natural to Mariners.

In the Transactions of the Squadron sent to suppress the
Pyrates in the East-Indies, our Author gives his Reasons, very
probable ones , why it succeeded no better ; without throwing out
any indecent Reflections on the Conductors of that Expedition.

The Account of John Plantain the famous Pyrate of Madagas-
car, and his Companions is very diverting, and gives a particular

n 2

4

TO THE READER.

Relation of the Conduct , Behaviour , and Way of Life of those
abandon'd Wretches . *

In the additional Account of Angria, his Wars with the
Mogul, dbc. there is a Description of several Parts of the Mogul’s
Dominions , the Nature of the Civil Government , and the Method
of making War in those Parts . Here Mr. Downing acted as
Engineer for some Campaigns, till he thought proper to quit the
Service , and return to his native Country.

As our Author is at this time employ'd in a .reputable Post in
the Expedition now on foot , and went with the Ships , &c. sent
to the East-Indies in 1736 ; this sufficiently vouches for his
preceding good Behaviour in those Parts.

The Reader is desired to remember , that he is not to expect
a florid Style in historical Relations ; and that the Author of
these Pieces being always bred to the Sea , perhaps may sometimes
mistake in smaller matters relating to the Marches , &c. of a Land-
Army. Allowing this , I doubt not but he will find these Accounts
both Entertaining and Instructive.

A SUCCINCT

HISTORY

» OF THE

i

I N D I AN WARS:

With an account of the Rise, Progress,
Strength and Forces oF"Angria the
Pyrate, &c.

IN the Year 1715, I left England , in the Queen of Peace, 1
Capt. John Martin Commander, in company with the Hon.
Charles Boone , Esq ; who imbarked on board the Stanhope ,
Capt. Wentworth George Pitt Commander. We arrived at
Bombay on the 25th of December following, one Day before
the Arrival of the Governor, being sent a-head of them to give
an Account of his Honour’s Arrival.., Early next Morning the
Stanhope arrived off the Island of Bombay , where the Governor
landed with the usual State and Grandure. He was com-
mission’d from the Crown and Company, 2 as President of the
Castle and Island of Bombay ; Governor and Commander in
Chief of all the United Company’s Forces, .on the Coast of
India , Persia and Arabia .

AT our Arrival on the said Island, all the Honours due to
him were paid by the Inhabitants, and their Compliments were
kindly received by his Honour. When the Governor arrived,
the Inhabitants complained of the heavy Oppressions and

1 The ship is always referred to as the Qv&en, Her log, which is
preserved at the India Office, does not mention Downing.

1 By the Company, under authority from the Crown.

0 HISTORY OF THE WARS

Injuries they had received from Angria the Pyrate, who was
then at Golabey, 1 and had also the Island of Kmerey , 2 with
the strong Castle of Gerey , 3 the Channel of whose Harbour is
very difficult to find out. We had an Account of several
Insults he had offered in those Parts on the Company’s
Shipping belonging to Europe , as well as those which belong’d
to the Island of Bombay . They had at two several Times
engaged the Blenheim , Capt. Parrot, and the Godolphin , Capt.
Ingram , two Ships belonging to the Company. 4 But I think
it proper first to give an Account of the Original, Birth and
Parentage of Angria, and how the Island of Bombay came to
the English by the Dower of Queen Catherine of Portugal, and
the like ; which Account has not as yet been published.

AT the Marriage of King Charles the Second with Catherine
of Portugal , the Icland of Bombay with the Cities of Goa and
Bassean , were given to England as Part of her Portion. 5 But
the English met with many Interruptions before they obtained
it, and the Government was obliged to fit out four Men of
War to settle Things for the East-India Company ; who pay
an Acknowledgment 8 to the Crown, according to their Con-
tract. The Governors of Bombay have the Title of President
and Governor of his Majesty’s Castle and Island of Bombay,
by Commission from the Crown, and have a Troop of Horse
under their Command, with three Regiments of Foot, and all
Things convenient.

THE Men of War that went thither, were the Anglesey , under
the Command of Commodore Littleton ; the Harwich ; the
Lizard and Litchfield . 7 The Portuguese made a great many

1 Kolaba, a small fortified island near Allbag, about twenty miles
south of Bombay.

* Khandcri, a small island near the entrance to Bombay harbour.

3 Gheria (Vijayadrug).

* No particulars have been found of the attack on the Blenheim. The
Godolphin had a skirmish with part of Angria’s fleet on 24 March 1710.
Jonas Ingram was then only chief mate, but he was made commander
in the following July, on the dismissal of the captain, John Ap Rice.

* Goa and Bassein were not ceded with Bombay, though it was
rumoured at the time that they wero to be.

0 A quit-rent of ten pounds per annum.

7 There is a confusion here between the fleet sent out in 1661 under
the Earl of Marlborough to take over Bombay and that dispatched in

WITH ANGRIA THE PYRATE, ETC.

7

Scruples in surrendering up the Island having built several
strong Castl&s, as that of Bombay ; that at Dungerrey ; that
at Leyam , and that at Mayam. 1 This Island is about seven
Miles in Length, and three in Breadth , 2 has great Numbers 4 of
Coco-nut Trees, which bring in a large Revenue to the Com-
pany. The original Inhabitants were Kencyrcans , 3 a very
inoffensive People, tho’ Pagans : They are of comely Stature,
well shaped and very strong. “ They wear no Clothes, only
a Piece A of Linnen Cloth about their Loins, and a flat Cap on
their Heads. They are distinguished by several Names ; some
call them Frost 4 or Coolley , 5 which is the common Name they
go by among the English. The Frost eat no Flesh but what dies
of itself : For any Sheep, Hogs, or Fowls that die of any sort
of Distemper, \l\ey will feed on as the finest well-fed Meat
whatever. So that when such Accidents happen to the
English , they send for some of them to take the same away ;
which they are very thankful for. They are very industrious
and cleanly ; for tho’ they eat such unclean Things, they wash
’em first.

AS to Angria , the original Account we have of his Birth is,
that his Father was an Arabian Cojferey ,° one that renounced

1699 under Commodore Warren (who was succeeded on his death by
Commodore James Littleton) to suppress the European pirates who were
interfering with the Indian trade. In the list of Littleton’s ships the
Hastings should be substituted for tho Litchfield.

1 Dongri, Sion (which in Fryer’s map appears as Seiam), and Mahlm.
‘ Strong castles ’ is an exaggeration, even as applied to Bombay itself.

* Bombay Island is about 11 £ miles by 3 or 4.

3 The English followed the Portuguese in extending the term Kanareso
to the people of the Konkan. Fryer (ed. Crooke, vol. ii, p. 42), speaking
of the Malabar Coast, says : ‘ the language is Canorein, which to me
seems to be the primitive, from tho Malabars up to £urat ; the country
short, of it, as well as speech, being Canorein.* Modem research has
established that at a remote period the language of tho Konkan was
probably Kanarese, though it is now mainly a dialect of Marathi.

4 Hindustani farrdsh , a menial who spread carpets, pitched tents,
and did household work. Fryer (ibid. y vol. i, p. 174) includes ‘ frasses or
jwrters * among the inhabitants of Bombay Island.

6 This term is familiar as meaning an Indian hired labourer ; but in
Downing’s time it also signified the Kolis, a hill tribe in Gujarat whose
turbulence gave much trouble to tho Mughal authorities.

• Arabic Kafir (pi. Kofra), an unbeliever, especially applied to pagan

8

HISTORY OF TIIE WARS

the Mahometan Faith, and being on the Coast of India , he took
on to serve the Grand Sedey, 1 who was then at War with the
Mogul ; and this Purah Angria his Son entered into the Mogul’s
Service, and there for some Misdemeanor was discharged, and
then he renounced the Faith of Mahomet , and fled to the
Grand Sedey, and was of great Service to him, so that he gave
him his own Sisten to Wife. The present Correngey 2 Angria is
not the true begotten Son of this Purah Angria , but an Im-
postor, according to the following Account : , This Anuria was
the Son of a Cofferey Man and Woman, that were taken
Prisoners by the Sedey, and were his Slaves ; Purah Angria
had by the Sedey’ s Sister two Sons, both of the Cofferey kind,
her Husband being a Cofferey, but she an Indian : However,
the Children proved to be Woolly-headed. These Children
were brought up 'together by the Sedey’s Kinsmen ; and the
Father, Purah Angria, was killed in an Engagement against
the Mogul’s Army : The Name of the first of these Boys was
Purah Angria, and the other Correngey Angria : They were
now grown pretty big Boys, and this Impostor taking them to
the River, they all got into a Canoo, and not being acquainted
with the Method of the Tide, they were drove away, and he

negroes (cf. the Kaffirs of South Africa). The author of the History of
Tvlaqee Assyria (1756) says that the founder of the family was ‘ one
Sambo Angria ... a Caffree or Coffrey, bom on an island in the Gulf of
Ormus, who was a Mahometan who, being wrecked on the coast of
India about 1643, took service with the 1 South Raja *, i.e. the Maratha
Raja (‘ sow ’ or ‘ south * being a corruption of Shaliu, who was Raja
from 1708 to 1749). The same writer gives his own account of Kanhoji’s
ancestry, and also repeats Downing’s story that he was an impostor,
but only to discredit it. He admits that ‘ the vulgar at Bombay are
full of this story *, but adduces the testimony of ‘ two gentlemen of
veracity *, long resident there, who had heard nothing of the matter.
Tho usual account is that Kanhoji was the son of a Maratha named
Tukoji. A recent authority says : ‘ the original name of the Angres
was Sangpal and they claimed, apparently with justice, that they wore
of pure Rajput descent. Kanhoji’s father, Tukoji, had been a sailor in
the Great King’s fleet, and Kanhoji had from boyhood served in the
Maratha navy * (Kincaid and Parasnis’s History of the Maratha People,
vol. n, p. 94).

1 Downing means by this term the Maratha Raja — not, as might be
thought, the Sldi of Janjfra, in the Konkan.

* ‘ Correngey ’ seems to be a mistake for 4 Connergey ’, i. e. Kanhoji.

WITH ANGRIA THE PYRATE, ETC.

0

threw the two Boys over-board. Then coming down Pen
River , 1 the Tide set him over to Bombay , where he hired himself
for a Servant, to wait on the English Gentlemen, in whose
Service he continued till he was a Man. In the mean time
there had been great Search made after the other two and him ;
but not finding them, it was concluded they were drowned
or killed by some unknown Enemies. The Mother was in
no small Concern for her Children, and not hearing what
was become of them, died of Grief. These Accounts were often
brought over to Bombay ; but as he was a Stranger there, he
kept all in his own Breast. And when he was grown up to be
a lusty Fellow, his Ambition led him to lay aside the Service
of a Lacquey, and to take that of a Pune , 2 whose Office it is
to bear Arms before their Masters, and walk with their Sword
laid on their Shoulder, and their Target 3 slung at their Backs.
After some time he made his Escape from Bombay to the
Sedey’s Country, where he enquired after his Mother, who was
dead : He then went to several of the most ancient Inhabitants,
and told them he was Corrangey Angria, Son of Purah Angria ,
and that the Tide had drove them out of their Knowledge,
so that for three or four Days they had nothing to cat or drink ;
in which Distress his Brothers died ; but said, the fourth
Day he was taken up by a Fisherman belonging to Bombay ,
with whom he continued, and had been a Slave to the English ,
of whom he was resolved to be revenged. He was soon con-
ducted to the Grand Sedey, who, by his plausible Story, really
believed him to be his Sister’s Son.

THE ancient Inhabitants of Bombay say, that the Island
of Kenerey was in the Grand Sedey’s Possession, and that he
gave it to Angria , with several small Galleywats : 4 This makes
many say he was born a Nobleman, and that his Father was
a very great Man. How all the Discovery of this Affair came
out, shall be related in proper Time.

1 This is the name given in old maps (beginning with Fryer’s) to the

Bhogavati Creek, which runs up from the estuary of the Amba River
(south of Karanja). It was so called from the town of Pen (about ten
miles up), which was a place of considerable trade.

8 Peon (attendant).

8 A small round shield.

4 See later (p. 16).

10

HISTORY OF THE WARS

OTHER Accounts say, that he was bom a Kenerey , by
a Portuguese Cofferey and a Kenerey Woman, on the Island of
Bombay , and after he came to Man’s Estate, with four or five
Companions, in the Night, went away in one of the Company’s
Galleywats, directly to Kenerey , which had been fortified by
the Portuguese. The Island is about one Mile in Circumference,
and only a barren Rock, but suitable to his Intention ; it lies
right in the Mouth of the Harbour* of Bombay , about dhree
Leagues distance, and bearing due South from the Roald where
we commonly lie at Anchor. The Portuguese at the resigning
Bombay to the English , quitted this Island also ; for they had
always kept a pretty good Guard there, and the Work well
fortified, being all founded on a Rock. Angria had no sooner
made himself Master of Kenerey , l but he attacked the Fisher-
men of Bombay , and took some of them. This trifling Insult
the English put up for the present, but in a little time they sent
Carpenters to Surat, who there built a small Vessel that
mounted twelve Guns to guard the Fishery, and a Yacht for
carrying the Company’s Governors up and down the Coast of
India , as Occasion required. Angria soon increased his Number
of People by the help of the Sedey, from whom he had several
small Galleywats with Guns : In cruising off the Island, they
took a large Grab 2 belonging to the Portuguese , which they
made of great Service to them. The Island is distant from any
Part of the Continent about nine Miles , 3 and all the North,
South and West Parts rocky, and very dangerous to attempt
to land on ; but to the Eastward, there is a fine sandy Bay, or
rather Cove, with the Front Work of the Fortification, sup-
ported by two very strong Bastions* on each Side the Cove,
which they mount with six Guns each. These Bastions com-
mand the Cove, so that whatever Boats attempt to land, they
can sink them. They were prejudicial to us in our landing
during the Time of the Siege which was undertaken by

1 Khanderi, which had been occupied by the Marathas as early as
1679, was ceded to Kanhoji in 1713.

1 From Arabic ghorab, ‘ a raven.* Originally the term was applied to
a galley, rowed with oars, but later it was transferred to a sailing vessel,
swift and well-armed.

* An exaggeration.

WITH ANGRIA THE PYRATE, ETC.

11

Governor Boone in Person, who hoisted the Union Flag on
board the Addison, as shall be related.

AFTER Angria had taken this Grab, he mounted several
Guns on her, and declared open War with all Nations, and scon
after took another Grab of a considerable Force from the
Portuguese . These Grabs he soon mann’d, and had besides
live Sail of Galley wats. I shall now speak of his first Assault
on the English : When C&pt. Hudson formerly commanded the
Tankerjleld, 1 a large Ship belonging to the Company, they were
yearly sending over Supplies for the increasing the Inhabitants
of the Factories and Fortifications in those Parts of India .
Amongst these were Capt. Cooke , his Lady, two Daughters, and
a Son, he having left two other Daughters behind in England
for their better Education! Capt. Cooke was appointed chief
Engineer for all the Company’s Fortifications at Bengal ; but
they arriving on the Coast of India , before they proceeded to
Bengal , came to Carwar , then under the Protection of Thomas 2
Harvey , Esq ; Governor of that Factory, who entertain’d
Capt. Hudson and all the Gentlemen and Ladies on board in
a splendid manner. Capt. Cooke and his Lady being on shore
for Refreshment after their fatiguing Passage, and their
Children with them. Governor Harvey took a very great Liking
to Capt. Cooke's eldest Daughter, Mrs. Catherine Cooke , on
whom he proffer’d to make great Settlements, provided the
Father and Mother would consent to her Marriage with him,
which they did, tho’ a very disagreeable Match ; for Governor
Harvey was a deform’d Man, and in Years ; she a most beauti-
ful Lady, not exceeding Thirteen or Fourteen Years of Age,
who to oblige her Parents consented also. In a short time after
they were married, Capt. Hudson went to Bengal ; and Capt.
Cooke and his Lady, with their other Daughter and Son, were
obliged to proceed to the Place appointed for their Residence
leaving the eldest with her Husband, who in less than a Year

1 Robert Hudson commanded tho Loyal Bliss , and it was this vessel
that arrived at Karwar in October 1709, with Gerard Cook and his
family on board. The story of Katherine Cook and her successive
husbands has been told in detail by Col. Biddulph as an appendix to his
Pirates of Malabar.

1 An error for ‘ John *.

12

HISTORY OF THE WARS

after died, and left his Lady chief Executrix of all his Posses-
sions. 1 She soon after married Mr. Chown , a Gentleman more
suitable to her Years than the former ; and Mr. Chown and
she being obliged to come up to Bombay , to pass the Accounts
of the late Governor Harvey , after all their Business was corn-
pleated there, he was appointed Governor of the Factory at
Carwar . 2 This Lady being then big with Child, the Governor
of Bombay , Mr. Hasleby , 3 * * ordered the Company’s Yacht and
a small Man of War to convoy them to Carwar : They •feet sail,
but had not lost Sight of Bombay 4 before Angria attack’d them
with his Grabs, and they begun a smart and bloody Battle.
The new-made Governor had his Right Arm shot off, and bled
to Death in the young Lady’s Arms, for want of the Assistance
of a Su*geon. He desired before he expired, if she should alter
her Condition, tor accept of Mr. William Gifford, one of the
Council of the Island of Bombay ; which she promised. In
a short time they were overcome by the Angrians, and carried
Prisoners into Kenerey . 6 7 The Defiance , 8 the small Frigate, got
safe back to Bombay, and gave an Account of this to the
President and Council ; who directly treated for her Ransom,
which was 30000 Rupees J This the Gentlemen of the Island

1 Harvey, who had resigned some time before and proceeded to
Bombay, returned with his wife to Karwar in November 1711, to
realize his property, and died there 6 March 1712.

a This is a mistake. Thomas Chown had not been appointed chief
of the Karwar factory. Ho and his wife went to Karwar to look after
Harvey’s estate, and were returning to Bombay when their vessel was
attacked (4 November 1712).

a William Aislabie. Tho vessels referred to were the Samuel and Mary
yacht and tho Anne ketch.

1 The vessels had left Karwar only the day before.

8 Apparently this,, was assumed in consequence of tho statement that
the vessels were captured near Bombay. As a matter of fact, the
prisoners were taken to Rajapur and, with the exception of tho
captains and mates (who were detained in hopes of a ransom), were
released almost immediately, for, travelling overland, they reached
Bombay on 8 Decomber 1712.

6 There is no mention in the records of this vessel being present;
and the news first reached Bombay on 24 November, in a letter from the
prisoners.

7 This story appears to be false. Although Mrs. Chown is not men-

tioned, it may be inferred from the records that she was among those

WITH ANGRIA THE PYRATE, ETC. 13

soon disburs’d, and made a Peace with Angria, which he kept
for about two Years after : The Gentlemen who were sent
to pay the Ransom were obliged to wrap their Clothes about
her, to cover her Nakedness. At her Return to Bombay , she
was welcom’d by the chief Gentlemen and Ladies of the
Island, who also condol’d her on the Loss of so tender a Hus-
band : She was shortly after brought to Bed of a Son. She
most courageously withstood ’ all Angria' s base Usage, and
endured his Insults beyond Expectation. A very short time
after her Delivery, she was, with the President’s Approbation,
married to Mr. William Gifford, with whom she lived happily,
till he was sent down to Anjango, as Governor of the Company’s
Forts and Factory, where he was cut off by the Natives, as
shall be mentioned hereafter.

ABOUT two Years after, Capt. Peacock in the Sommers,
and Capt. Collet in the Grantham , were coming up the Coast of
India for Bombay ; on which Angria, tired with lying so long
idle, attack’d them very smartly ; but they made a gallant
Defence, and beat him off. 1 They then mann’d their Long
boats, and boarded one of his Grabs ; when Mr. Henry Cave ,
a young Midshipman with Capt. Peacock , gallantly entered
over the Prow of the Grab they boarded, but one of the Angrians
thrusting a Lance at his Breast, push’d him back into the
Long-boat again. The Lance continued in his Breast till it
was taken out by some of the Boat’s Crew. This Lance
Capt. Peacock kept till the Day of his Death. However, the
Long-boats maintain’d a smart Battle for fours 2 and more,
and it was several times thought that they would have carried
one of the Grabs : But* several other Galleywats coming to

who were released unconditionally. The official account of the later
negotiations (February 1713) makes no allusion to the payment of
ransom for anybody. The English insisted, as a condition of peace,
that Kanhoji should surrender all prisoners, and to this he agreed.

1 The log of the Grantham says that their assailants were a ‘ Savajec ’
(i.e. Maratha) grab and gallevat. The encounter took place near
Vengurla on 20 December 1712. The Marathas fired at the English
vessels ; and as want of wind prevented the latter from attacking, they
sent off their boats. These returned unsuccessful, having lost two men
killed and brought back seventeen wounded. This was before the
conclusion of peace with Angria. 8 Four hours ?

14

HISTORY OF THE WARS

Angria* s Assistance, they were towed in, and so got off very
much batter’d, with the Loss of many Men. t

FROM this Time, Angria grew very insolent again, and took
several small Ships belonging to the Country Merchants,
whereby he strengthened his own Fleet. He afterwards
ingaged the Arabella , Capt. Ready a small Ship belonging to
the Company, the Blenheim , Capt. Parrot , and the Godolphin ,
Capt. Ingram Commander, who all ^ made gallant Defences. 1
Whereupon the President and Council finding that hardly any
Shipping could pass or re-pass ; they for the Company’s
Interest in the way of Trade, thought proper to make Peace
with him again. The town of Bombay was unwalled, and no
Grabs or Frigates to protect any thing but the Fishery ;
except a small Munchew, 2 which had escaped when Angria
took the Company’s Yacht. When the Hon. Charles Boone
arrived there in the Year 1715, the Island was in a declining
Posture ; but that Gentleman soon promoted the Trade and
Tranquillity of it. He sent up to Surat , and there built a very
fine Frigate called the Fame ; another was built of a large
Force, called the Britannia ; and the same Year another
was built, called the Revenge. The Britannia built at Carwar ,
Capt. Weekes Commander, mounted 18 Guns, and carried
140 Men ; the Fame , Capt. Passwater Commander, mounted
16 Guns, and 120 Men ; the Revenge , Capt. Woodward Com-
mander, mounted 16 3 Guns, and 120 Men. These three
Frigates were built within six months after his Honour’s
Arrival at Bombay .

I having, at my first Arrival in the Country, made a Voyage
to Muscat in Arabia , and there took in a Freight of Horses, we
proceeded for Madrass, and from thence to Bengal . We sold
our Ship at Madrass , and sent her under another Command for
Bengal : I then met with the Stanhope , who was come from
Persia to Bengal , and was proceeding on a trading Voyage

1 The attacks on the Blenheim and Arabella (commanded by Alexander
Reid) have not been traced. That on the Godolphin seems to have taken
place in 1710 (see p. 6), though there may have been a second.

* Pprt. manchua (from Malayalam manji), a single-masted vessel,
much used on the Malabar coast. The reference is to the Defiance ,
which on p. 12 is called a small frigate.

3 On p. 27 the number is given as eighteen.

WITH ANGRIA THE PYRATE, ETC. 15

for Bombay , with whom I came a Passenger. Hearing there
was a Vacancy in the Hon. Company’s Service, on board of
their new-built Frigates, I humbly applied to the President,
who gave me a Second Lieutenant’s Commission in the Fame
Frigate, Capt. Peter Passwater Commander. At this Time the
President and Council thought proper to build a Wall round the
City of Bombay , for the Security of the Inhabitants ; they also
built another large Grab ”r Frigate, which inounted 24 Guns.
When I received my Commission from the President, the
Frigate I was commissioned for was at Carwar ; and the
Revenge being bound to Carwar with Orders, I went in her,
and was ordered by Governor Taylor 1 to take my Post. But
I should have mentioned an Engagement we had by the
Way : For having got the Length of Cape Ramus, 2 a head
Land about 14 Leagues to the Northward of Carwar , we there
met with the Britannia and the Fame coming up the Coast, in
order to besiege a small Garrison about 10 or 12 Leagues
further to the Northward. They had on board all these
Frigates a Company of Marines commanded by Capt. John 3
Stanton, since for his good Behavior made Major of the
Island of Bombay . We join’d them by Commodore Weeks's
Order, and proceeded up to St. George's Island, 4 where we
made several Combustibles, in order to fire the Town. The
Place we were a going to besiege belong’d to King Kemshew , 5
who had very strong Fortifications, and several Vessels which
were very troublesome to our small Craft that passed Mangalore
to Carwar with Rice and other Conveniences for the Factory.
This Kemshew was Brother-in-law to Angria , and they mutually
supported each other. We exercised our People that Day on

1 George Taylor was sent to Karwar in December 1713, to take over
charge from Miles Fleetwood.

3 Cdpe Ramas, twenty miles north-westward of Karwar Head.

3 This should be ‘ Jonathan ’.

4 A group of three small islands, nearby connected at low tide, a little
to the south of Marmagao headland.

6 The dynasty of the Khem Savants still rules the state of Savantvadi,
lying immediately to the northwards of Goa Territory. The state lost
its seaboard to the British in 1812, but in Downing’s time it possessed
a long strip of coast. The ruling monarch was Phond Savant II, who had
succeeded his uncle, Khem Savant II, in 1709.

■Hill

C630

16

HISTORY OF THE WARS

the Island of St. George , and Capt. Stanton had the Marines on
shore, and took a great deal of Care in disciplining them. The
next Morning early we were off of the Place, 1 which was about
seven Leagues to the Northward of Goa ; we run very near in
to the Shore, and brought our Prow Guns to bear on the Castle,
which was situated on a Hill ; and we soon found we did them
considerable Damage. We then mann’d all our Galleywats,
in order to land all our People ; but the Place was sonrocky,
and so great a Surf run, that we could not attempt it. We
had 10 or 12 Galleywats, which are large Boats, as big as a
Gravesend Tilt-boat, and generally mount six Swivel Guns, and
will carry in the way of Landing near 100 Men. These Galley-
wats we make great use of ; they sail with a Peak Sail like the
Mizen of any of our Ships of War, and row with 30 or 40 Oars ;
very few with less than 20 Oars. Their Compliment is generally
20 lighting Men, besides the Rowers ; but they are lit for no
other Service.

SO soon as we found the Place was no way convenient for
landing our Forces, we made the best of our Way round to
the Back of a small Fort to the Southward of the Frontier.*
The Frigates kept a continual Fire on the Frontier and
Castle, and they began to return the Fire ; but being seated
on the top of a Hill, and not having Judgment enough in
pointing their Guns, they did us no Damage. On the other
Side of the Rock, we intended to land our People ; but we
found there was no Possibility, the Rocks being so steep and
high ; besides the Enemy appeared very numerous, and had
mounted two Guns of a considerable Bigness amongst the Rocks,
where they kept so smart a Fire, that we were obliged to make
off with our Galleywats and come to an Anchor, till we saw
whether the falling of the Water or abating of the Tide would
prove to our advantage ; but we found it to no purpose, for
we could not land our People. However, we continued, with

1 As the name is nowhere given, it is to be presumed that the English
did not know it. Col. Biddulph assumes that it was Vengurla, but this
is much more than seven leagues north of Goa, and it has no fort answer-
ing to Downing’s description. Rairi (Redi), in the extreme south of
Ratnagiri District, about 20 miles above Goa, seems much more likely.
For a description of the fort, see the Bombay Gazetteer , vol. x, p. 369.

* The sea-front of the fort.

WITH ANGRIA THE PYRATE, ETC. 17

our Prow Guns from the Frigates, to batter their Fortifications,
and dismounted the Cannon which iired upon our Shipping.
The Revenge having brought an Express from the President of
Bombay , with Orders for the two other Frigates to proceed *to
Callicut , and bring up Timber for the further building other
Vessels at Bombay ; and finding it not feasible to land, we
quitted the Siege, and that Night run down, to Carwar, where
we came to an Anchor, afld weht up to the Factory. I then
delivered my Letter to the Governor, and was ordered on
board the Fame as Second Lieutenant.

WE tarried here a short time, then proceeded to Callicut,
where we were supplied with Timber by Governor Adams,
Governor of the Company’s Fort and Fortifications at Tilli-
cherry and Callicut, 12 Leagues distant from each otheY We
lay here till the Beginning of April before vfe had got all our
Timber in, and it being the latter End of the Season, we were
the safer in what we did, as all the Enemies Vessels were now
laid up. Governor Adams came on board and took a View of
the Frigate as we lay in the Road, and very much approved
of the President’s taking so much Care to suppress the Pyrates.
We had other Enemies to deal with on the Coast as well as
Angria, and they likewise at War with each other ; there were
the Mollwans, 1 a People to the Northward of Carwar ; the
Kemshews, and the Sangarians , 2 a People to the Northward
of Gogo , 3 who are troublesome to the Surat and Bombay
Traders. Several Dutchmen who came to serve the English
at Bombay , deserted from us, and got to Angria , to whom
they were of great Service.

WE had troublesome Weather to beat up the Coast in, for
the Northern Monsoons set in and blew very hard ; insomuch

•

1 The inhabitants of Malvan, a port in the southern part of Ratnagiri
district, about 18 miles above Vengurla. The great Sivaji built there
the fort of Sindhudurg, and made it his coast head -quarters. In 1713 it
was ceded to the Kolhapur chiefs, ( and under them became the head-
quarters of the most active and destructive of the coast pirates ’ (Bombay
Gazetteer, vol. x, p. 350).

* * Sanganians ’ is meant. They inhabited the coast of Kathiawaaand
Cutch, Beyt being their principal centre.

8 Gogo or Gogha, on the Kathiawar coast, in the Gulf of Cambay.
‘ Northward * is used in the sailor’s sense.

c

Asiatic society. Calcutta.

W *-» /*- « A ^ 1 -

IS

HISTORY OF THE WARS

that we all thought we should not have gain'd Bombay , hut
with great difficulty obtain'd it ; and, as is custorfiary, we hove
up all our Ships and Vessels, to secure them from the Winter
Slorms, which begin in May to set in very violently.

AT our Arrival at Bombay we found the pother new Grab or
Frigate ready for launching, built after a very commodious
manner, to mount 24 Guns, and to carry 180 Men. 1 * 3 The
Command was given to Capt. Alexander Hamilton a$ Com-
modore, and Commander in chief of all the Company's Naval
Force at Bombay , or on the Coast of India . Capt. David Wilkie
was appointed Captain of the Victory under Commodore
Weekes ; who being sickly, was obliged to quit it for the sake
of his Health, and Mr. John Burleigh 2 was appointed Captain
of the* Britannia, in his room ; Capt. Passwater continued in
the Fame , Capt'. Matthews 3 in the Defiance . The Revenge
was left at Carwar, to guard that Factory, and they were got
up the River abreast the Factory, for their better Wintering.

WHILE we were making these Preparations, in order to
prevent Angria in his Progress, we had an Account at Bombay ,
of a great Disturbance between the Rodger , 4 or King of Carwar ,
and the English Settlement there, on the following Occasion.
A Ship belonging to Mr. Bennet , 5 an eminent Merchant at
Surat , going down the Coast something later than ordinary,
was drove ashore on a sandy Beach to the Northward of
Carwar ; on which they sent to Governor Taylor , for a Guard
to fetch their Treasure Into the Factory, amounting to near
15,000 l. all in iron’d Chests. A Serjeant, with a strong Party
of Soldiers belonging to the Factory had fetch’d away the
greatest Part ; but afterwards the Rodger sent down his Forces

1 She was launched on 26 August 1717, with due ceremony, and was
named the Victoria (Downing’s Victory). David Wilkie, who had been
Hamilton's chief mate, had been appointed her commander on 18 June.

* The Bombay records give the name as John Bellew. On p. 27
Downing spells it * Berlew '.

3 ‘Matthias’ on p. 27, and in the Bombay records. His Christian
name was William.

4 The Sonda Baja.

5 A mistake for Bonnell (Jeremiah). The ship was named Elizabeth.
Hamilton's account of the incident will be found at p. 265 of his first
volume. He blames Taylor’s indiscretion in interfering.

WITH ANGRIA THE PYRATE, ETC. 10

in order to seize the Ship as his Property, being cast away

on his Coast, and stopp’d near six or seven Thousand Pounds

of the Treasure ; and to prevent their getting the Ship off

again, he ordered his People to cut a Hole in her Bottom.

This bred a War between the Carwarans and the English :

The Rodger took the English Gentlemen that commanded the

Ship, with their Supercargo, and confin’d them in Prison.

Jn tfie^mean time, Capt. Woodward was very active for the

Safeguard of tbo Factory, and built a large floating Stage,

and mounted several Guns on it, to tow up and down the

Harbour as Occasion required, till further Assistance came.

When the President and Council at Bombay heard this, they

mann’d their Fleet, and sent them down to Carwar. 1 Com-
et

modore Hamilton hoisted his broad Pennant on board the
Britannia , and took the Morning Star , Capt. Upton , and the
Thomas Capt. Holt , with him. I was then ordered to go on
board the 1'homas, and there we took in Ammunition and
Soldiers, as did the Morning Star , and took with us several
Galley wats to land our Forces. The chief Command was given
to Capt. John Milford , 2 Captain of the first Company of
Grenadiers, and the next Command to Capt. Stanton Captain
of the Marines. We had bad Weather in our Passage to Car-
war ; for the Commodore rolled both his Topmasts by the
Board, which wounded several of his Men, and killed one

1 The first letter from Karwar, dated 4 June, was received on 3 July
1717. Nothing was done until a month laicr, when an answer was sent,
promising assistance as soon as the weather permitted. On 5 August »
arrived another letter, saying that the factory was being bombarded
and immediate help was necessary. Thereupon it was decided to hire
the Morning Star and send her down with about 230 soldiers under
Captain Midford. She sailed accordingly, with a sloop and five gallevats,
on 26 August. In response to a further appeal for help, Hamilton was
dispatched in the Britannia on 8 September, accompanied by the Thomas
(under John Holt) and four gallevats, carrying a number of soldiers
commanded by Captain Stanton. The Victoria and the Defiance followed
on 14 September.

* His name was really Blacket Midford. Ho was a factor, in addition
to his military rank. A Bombay letter to the Company of 21 January
1717 explained that he had been given a commission as lieutenant
because he had been bred a soldier and, being a married man, could not
live on his civil pay of £15 a year. Later he resumed his civil status,
and he died on 4 October 1722 as Chief at Anjengo.

C 2

20

HISTORY OF THE WARS

outright. After this, we all got safe into the Bay of Carwar ,
and came to an Anchor ; when our Captain went bn board the
Commodore, and in the Afternoon sent Orders for me to weigh
my Anchor, and to run in as far as possibly I could. I then
fir’d two of our Guns, and found that they carried very well
up into the Country amongst the Woods. The next Day, being
the 15th or 16th V of September 1716, we began to land our
Forces at Day-break, but there run* so violent a Surf <7n the
Beach, that two of our Galleywats drove ashpre and overset :
Capt. Milford and part of his Company got a-shore, and Capt.
Stanton was taken up for dead in the Water. The Enemy
perceiving so small a Number of Forces, issued out of the Wood
with a Party of Horse, and notwithstanding our keeping
a smart Fire upon them, they rush’d amongst our half-drowned
Forces, whose Ammunition was wet and unfit for Execution,
so that they were forced to fight Sword in Hand. During
which time Capt. Milford made a gallant Defence ; for he and
his Serjeant Mr. Hill , fought till they were cut and mangled
very much, and then taken Prisoners, with twenty of his
Company, and near forty Topasis , 1 2 or black Foot Soldiers, who
are under the same Discipline at Bombay , as the marching
Regiments. The Rodger ordered all the Topasis Noses to be
cut off ; and as for Capt. Milford and his Serjeant, he would
fain have prevailed with them to take on in his Service,
sometimes treating them civilly, and at other times threatning
to cut off their Heads. We soon dispatch’d Letters for Bombay
for Assistance ; and accordingly the whole Fleet, and near
2000 Men 3 of Land Forces were sent down under the Command
of Capt. Gordon , a gallant Gentleman.

WE landed our People about four o’Clock in the Morning,
and got all our* Forces drawn up in a hollow Square, and
Capt. Gordon at their Head : In the Inside of this Square was
a Surgeon and all Materials to dress the wounded Men. They
march’d in this regular Form, and kept firing by Platoons,

1 Really the 13th September, 1717.

* A well-known term for native soldiers, mostly of Portuguese descent
and Christian profession.

* A great exaggeration. Hamilton says that, including the reinforce-
ments, the soldiers and sailors numbered in all 2,250.

WITH ANGRIA THE PYRATE, ETC. 21

till Capt. Gordon received a Shot from the Enemy, which went
through the ^uppermost Part of his left Breast. An Account

being brought to Capt. S th, 1 that Capt. Gordon was

wounded, he gave Orders for the whole Army to face about,
which so soon as the Enemy perceiv’d, a great Party of Horse
issued out of the Wood, and soon got between them and the
Water-side ; so that they were obliged to light their Way
thro’ tfi the Galleywats, .to return to their respective Ships.
The Rodger had cut off all manner of Communication between
the Factory and 'us, for which purpose they had boom’d the
River, and built a strong Platform of Guns on the South-side,
to prevent all Boats passing and re-passing, tho’ Lieutenant
Forbes once or twice did boldly venture, and come out, in
a Galleywat belonging to Carwar, and had several Hours Con-
ference with the Commodore, in regard tcv what Condition
the Factory was in, and how they had subsisted for Provision :
For tho’ the Rodger had made War with us, yet he was not at
war with the Portuguese , who held a Correspondence with us.
Our Factory was very well guarded by two Companies of
Soldiers, and in every Room were mounted several Carriage-
Guns, according to its Largeness ; which Guns prov’d of great
Service during the Siege, which lasted near seven Months.
When the Rodger perceived our irregular military Discipline,
he began to be very bold.

IN the Bay of Carwar are the following Islands, viz. The
Rodger's Island, 2 which is fortified a.Jl round, and has some
Cannon mounted, which they kept playing on our Shipping
at several times during the Siege. But not knowing how to
point a Piece of Cannon, did us little Damage. There is also
Kidd's Island, where Capt. Kidd refitted and hove down. On
the Westermost Part are two Stone Islands, surrounded with
a great Number of Rocks, which are called Duckly Islands
and Rocks. 3 To the South Part of the Bay is a large moun-

1 An officer named William Smith signed the account given to the
Company by Hamilton and the rest.

2 This was Kurmagad Island, on which traces of the fortifications are
still visible.

2 Apparently these are the Oyster Rocks. The largest is called
Deogarh, and this may explain the name given by Downing. On a later
page he says that Kidd’s island was ‘ Ducky Rock ’.

22

HISTORY OF THE WARS

tainous Land, very woody, at the upper End whereof is a fine
sandy Cove, called Bedcove ; 1 and the Hills are called Bedcove -
Hills. On the East Point of Bedcove-Hills is a small Island
called Injadavey , 1 2 inhabited by the Portuguese : This Island
produces great Plenty of Fowls and Hogs, tho’ the Inhabitants
arc poor, and the Men, Women, and Children chiefly employ
themselves in knitting Stockings, Waistcoats, and Breeches
of the finest Cott'on, which they sell at a very cheap^ Rate.
The Harbour of Carwar lies in 14 Deg. 45 M. North {latitude,
and in 73 Deg. 7 M. East Longitude from' the Meridian of
London . The Climate is pretty hot, but generally very healthy.
There is a pleasant River at the Eastermost Part of the Bay,
before which River there is a troublesome Bar to the Boats
going in and out. The English Factory lies up the River, on
the Star-board Side, about five or six Miles, from whence we
receive Pepper, Cardamum, and other valuable Drugs.

WE lay in the Bay near two Months in Treaty with the
Rodger , who insisted that we should quit our Factory, and have
no further Trade there. We demanded the Return of the
Treasure they had got, and would not draw off our Fleet
without it. The Rodger no way liked the Sight of our Frigates
in his Harbour, for we kept them cruising off and on, daily
looking out for the trading Vessels which pass'd and re-pass’ d.
and belong’d to the Rodger , and Kcmshew, the Person of whom
I spoke before. The Rodger had two large Ships gone for
Muscat in Arabia , to fetch Horses, and other Goods, which are
of great Value in those Parts, and he was in pain for these
Ships ; for they each had a hundred fine Horses on board.
As soon as they came off the Harbour’s Mouth, we made them
our Prizes, till such time as the Rodger thought proper to agree
to a stedfast Confirmation of Peace, and to return all the
Treasure and Prisoners he had in his Custody, and to make
Restitution for cutting a Hole in the Ship’s Bottom. Thus we
brought the Rodger to comply with all our Demands, and
a Treaty of Peace was sent up to the President of Bombay , and
approved by him and the Council.

1 Baitkul Cove, an old name for which was Batt Cove.

* Anjidiv, the island on which Sir Abraham Shipman’s force had
waited for the Portuguese to hand over Bombay.

WITH ANGRIA THE PYRATE, ETC. 23

WHILE we had the Ships in custody, a Cesssation of Arms
was observ’d^ and a free Correspondence pass’d and repass’d
from our Factory, and we recruited all Stores used for the
Siege, and strengthened the Factory with all Things necessary
for their future Safety. During the Cessation of Arms, I was
ordered with Capt. Holt , on board the Thomas , to proceed to
Mangalore , to fetch Rice for the Fleet. The Captain went on
shorofo purchase sufficient for our Freight, and that of another
large Vessel we had there. As the Captain was to continue
some time on shbre, he took a House for the better trafficking
with the Merchants ; and as he lived on shore, he sent off all
Things necessary for the Ships while they were taking in their
Cargo. I had no sooner got the Ship ready to take in Rice, but
early one Morning I saw several large Vessels coming into the
Road ; and having no English on board but the second Mate,
Mr. William Trouton 1 (a young Gentleman who has since
been a Merchant at Madrass) I asked our Black Boatswain if
he knew who they belong’d to ? he said, so soon as he could
see more plainly he would tell me. They lay off and on in
the Offin till near Noon, and then the Sea-Breeze coming in,
they came down on us with tearing Sail into the Road. We had
put ourselves in as good a Posture of Defence at that time as
we could ; we had but ten small Guns on board ; none
carrying above a three-pound Shot : However, long before
they came into the Road, our Black Boatswain told me they
were Angria's Grabs ; there were fiye of them, stout Vessels,
well mann’d, and large Guns on board. So soon as they came
into the Road, they never offered to fire at us, but sent their
Boats on board ; for as yet we were at peace with Angria, by
Contract made at the Redemption of Mrs. Gifford ; and that
Peace had been renewed by Governor Boone at his Arrival at
Bombay . So soon as they came on board, they took the
Second Mate and me out of our Ship, and carried us on board
their Commodore ; who ordered them to take the Second Mate,
Mr. Trouton , and to carry him to their Long-boat, and moor
him off at the Buoy. My Heart began to ach, not knowing

1 The name of William Troughton occurs in lists of seafaring Aen at
Madras in 1717, 1726, 1727, but then disappears. He was probably a son
of Zouch Troughton, a factor at Madras.

24

HISTORY OF THE WARS

what they intended to do with me. Then they ask’d where
we belong’d to, or whether we had a Pass from the Governor
of Bombay ; I told them yes, tho’ I did not at that time rightly
know so much. They never offered to misuse us, nor do us any
manner of Harm ; only detained us four or five Hours, While
they sent on board and rummaged the Ship all over. What
they look’d for, I can’t say ; but believe it was our Treasure,
which was sent on shore two Days before. When our Captain
from the Shore perceived what was the Matter, he mtide the
best of his Way to us, I having sent our Boat on shore, to
acquaint him what I judg’d them to be when I first saw them
in the Ocean, and had got all Things ready to have gone into
the Harbour,. provided the Captain had sent off a Pilot. But
he did n/it fear any Danger, as he told me afterward ; on which
account he did neither come himself at first nor send a Pilot.
However, I was very uneasy during the Time I was in their
custody ; and Mr. Trouton often told me, that had not the
Sea-Breeze been very fresh, he would certainly have attempted
to swim on shore. But the Captain came off, and on Enquiry
of the Black Boatswain of the other small Vessels that lay in
the Harbour, they happened to have one of Governor Boone's
Passes, which were appointed on the renewing the Peace to
be granted to all Vessels belonging to Bombay : For tlio’
Angria made Peace with the Inhabitants of Bombay , he took
all the Ships he could belonging to Madrass and Bengal ;
which gave us a proper Opportunity of making War again.
They releas’d us soon after the Captain came off with the Pass,
'and our Colours were kept flying all the while they continued
in the Road. In the Evening they weighed, when the Land-
winds came off, and offered us no farther Molestation.

WE were heartily glad when we got clear of Angria , and took
in our Freight of Rice with all possible Expedition. When we
had loaded the other Vessel with Rice also, the Captain not
willing to trust her alone, put me in Command of her, with
Orders to keep him company to Carwar. However, we sailed
• so heavily, that after we had been but two Days out of
Mangalore Road, I lost company with him. Mangolore lies
in about 12 Deg. 40 Min. North Latitude, and is a Place much
frequented by Ships from all Parts of lndia t for their great

WITH ANGRIA THE PYRATE, ETC. 25

Product of Rice. The Moors and Portuguese have each a
Factory here for procuring the Markets of Rice, against the
Portuguese Grand Armada arrive from Goa, and the Moors
Ships from Surat , and other Parts of India . The Arabians
trade much here, and the Turks which belong to India have
Ships of great Burden and Force which come hither yearly.
The Turks and Arabians are at War with the Portuguese , on
which 15 account the Portuguese have three or four 60 and 70
Gun Shfps at these Seasons of the Year, cruising off and on the
Coast of Malabar and India , for the Security of their Trade
from China and other Parts. They are obliged to coast along
Shore from Cape Commeron to their capital City of Goa .

DURING the Time of the Disturbance at Carwar , Governor
Adams had some Quarrels with the Neyers of Tillicheny ; but
the Governor by his own Regular Conduct boon settled those
Disputes. The Vessel I commanded was about 90 Tun, no
Guns nor Arms on board, but I was in hopes on my Arrival
at Carwar , to have found the Fleet ; but they were all sailed
for Bombay , and Matters were settled and made easy : So
that I went up to the Factory, and complained to Governor
• Taylor of the Vessel being so heavy, and that I had not a Gun
or a Musket on board to keep off even an arm’d Boat. The
Mollwans arc our Enemies, the Vessels of Kemshcw are the
same ; and they never attempt to engage a Vessel but in
a Calm. Whereupon the Governor of Carwar not willing to let
me proceed up to Bombay in such a defenceless State, put on
board two small Carriage Guns, and mounted six Swivel Guns
in Stocks for me, and lent me four white Men to assist me, with
Powder and Ball, and twelve Firelocks. These were of some
Service to us ; for several Vessels made towards us, which we
suspecting, fired at them so soon as they came within the
Reach of our Guns, which made them alter their Course and
leave us.

I was near six Weeks beating up to Bombay , never in more
Vexation ; for this Vessel would neither wear nor stay, nor
go well by or large : So that when-ever the Sea-wind blew
fresh at N.W. I was forced to run in with the Land, and come
to an Anchor. About a Week before we arrived at Bombay ,
our Provisions grew short, and we had no Supply except what

HISTORY OF THE WARS

we got from the Fishermen in the way of Truck, by giving
them Rice or Salt for Fish. tJ

I narrowly missed Angria's Grabs again ; for before my
Arrival at Bombay , he and the English had broke out into War
on the following Occasion. The Anne of Bengal , formerly
called the Sherborn , whom Capt. Henry Cornwall commanded,
had been taken by the French 1 in her homeward Passage for
England , carried back to Bengfll, and there sold to the English
Merchants. This Ship now belong’d to Mr. Crewganwell , an
eminent Bengal Merchant, who was coming from Surat tc
Bombay , to dispose of some Merchant Goods he had on board
this Ship. Angria's Grabs beat up the Coast with all speed,
took the said Mr. Crewganwell' s Ship, Capt. Wade Commander,
with several English they had on board. They mounted
18 Guns, and made a tolerable Defence for four or five Hours,
when they boarded and carried them. At that time our Fleet
was beating up from Carwar, and could not come to their
Assistance. As Angria was at peace with the Island of Bombay ,
he imagin’d we should not concern our selves with the Shipping
of Bengal and Madrass . As for Capt. Wade, he, with the chief
Mate and Boatswain were sent to Golabey , and Mr. Crewganwell
to Gerey ; which is the chief Harbour he has for Strength.
However, the Boatswain and two more of the Men made their
Escape to Bombay , and gave an Account of the whole Affair.
The President and Council had several Consultations concern-
ing setting the said Prisoners at Liberty by Force of Arms ;
we being now very strong at Sea : For during our Engagements
and Sieges at Carwar , the Company’s Carpenter at Bombay
had built for the Merchants Servile, the Charles Galley for
the Bengal Trade, and the Boone Frigate for the China Trade ;
the former, Capt Upton , and the latter, Capt. Thomas Boone, 2

1 On 17 April 1712 ; Bee Wilson’s Early Annals of the English in Bengal,
vol. ii, part i, pp. xiv, 351, &c. An account of Captain Cornwall will
be found at p. 336 of the same volume. No mention has been found in
the Bombay records of the capture by Angria of a vessel named the
Anne. It looks as though the reference is to the capture of the Charlotte
in 17,20, and that by ‘ Crewganwell ’ is meant her owner, Mr. Curgenvcn,
who was kept a prisoner by the Marathas for nearly ton years.

1 See my article on the Boone family in Journal of Indian History ,
May, 1923.

WITH ANGRIA THE PYRATE, ETC. 27

Esq ; Brother to the President, Commander. At our Arrival
at Bombay,* we had great Removals amongst the Officers of
the Fleet ; Commodore Hamilton laid down his Commission,
designing to follow the mercantile trading Business ; Capt.
Wilkie did the same, and went to Bengal in the Charles Galley ,
which Ship he afterwards commanded ; and Capt. Hamilton
went Supercargo to China with Capt. Boone . They also built
two Row-Galleys, the one* of 24? Oars, and the other of 18, each
carrying 10 Guns in the Waist, and two Guns of six-pound
Shot in their Prow. So that our Fleet was as follows.

Ships Names.

Captains.

Guns.

Men

Victory

Capt. John Berlew

24

200

Britannia

Capt. James Forbes

18

i 180

Revenge

Capt. Woodward

n 18

180

Fame Galley

Capt. Passwater

16

150

Hunter Galley

Capt. Samms

12

80

Defiance

Capt. Matthias

14

90

Hawk Galley

Capt. Herring

14

90

The Salamander Fire-Ship , Capt. Daniel.
The Terrible Bomb , Capt . Greenwood.

Eagle Galley

Capt. Mertin 1

16

140

Princess Amelia

Capt. Bull

16

140

Tyger Galleywat

Capt. Williams

8

60

Antelope

Lieut. Carlisle

8

50

Fly

Lieut. Affleck

8

60

Hound

Lieut. Lee

8

60

Swift

Lieqt. Ward

8

50

Weasel

Lieut. Woodward

6

50

Ferret

Lieut. Johnson

8

60

Squirrel

Lieut. Brown

6

50

Drake

Lieut. Hawkins

6

50

Leopard

Lieut. Hermond

6

50

Every one of these had two other Sail of Galleywats under
their Command, and ten white Men on board their own Galley-
wats. In Grabs and Frigates, of large Rates, they have,

1 He is called Martin on p. 49.

28

HISTORY OF THE WARS

besides their own Complement, a Company of Marines, with a
Commission Officer, a Serjeant and two Corporals.

NOW we were preparing all Things for the Siege of the
Castle of Gerey : We sent to Gogo , and had fifteen hundred of
their Men at Arms ; and near 25 hundred wcll-disciplin’d Men
at Bombay , who were put under the Command of Capt.
Gordon, and Capt. Stanton, who were recovered of the Wounds
they received at Carwar . The MoMce and Duke of .York,
Capt. Peachy , l * and Capt. Daws were arrived at Bombay, and
now the Year 1717 2 we were making all IDispatch for the
Siege ; but the same was deferred till the President of Bombay
had been up to Surat, to settle some of the Company’s Affairs :
So that the Siege was delay’d near six Weeks. In the mean
time, we were cruising up and down the Coast ; for this was
the time for all th? Merchants Shipping to come from Bengal ,
to supply the Coast with Sugars and other Merchandise.
Amongst the rest, was Capt. Botham 3 4 of Stoke-Newington,
who then commanded the Dalbin, a Ship of 600 Tuns, belonging
to Mr. Hart, Mr. Trenchfield, and Mr. Franklin* Merchants and
Council for the Company at Bengal ; the Great George of
Madrass , Capt. Tooley , 5 belonging to Governor Harrison ; 6
and the Samuel of Madrass, the Barrington, the Oxford, and

1 The commander of the Mortice was Eustace Peacock (cf. p. 36), and
Uiat of the j Duke of York Abraham Dawes. The former reached Bombay
19 December 1717, and the latter on the 30th of the same month.

a Old Stylo. Boone sailed, for Surat on 7 February and returned
on 21 March 1718.

3 Charles Boddam. His ship was the Dolben (probably named after
a Madras merchant). He belonged to Madras, and in 1716 married
there Mary, daughter of Rawson Hart. Their two sons, Charles and
Rawson Hart, entered the Madras and Bombay civil services respec-
tively; the former rose to be a Member of Council (and afterwards a
Director), while the latter became Governor of Bombay.

4 Hart is probably Rawson Hart, though he belonged to Madras, not
Bengal. Trenchfield may have been J ohn Trenchfield, who went out to
Bengal in 1715 and traded there as a free merchant. Downing may
have confused him with Richard Trenchfield, who was a member of the
Bengal Council earlier, but died in 1699. Franklin is Henry Frankland,
who became a member of the Council in December 1713, and was
afterwards (1726-8) Governor of Fort William.

5 Timothy Tully.

• Edward Harrison, Governor of Madras, 1711-17.

WITH ANGRIA THE PYRATE, ETC.

29

several other Ships of smaller Burden. They weigh’d from
Surat on March 15, 1717, 1 and coming down to Bombay , the
Dalbin, Capt. Botham , was cast away going into the Harbour. 2
The Morrice was dispatch’d with all speed for Mocha , the
Duke of York for Persia , and the rest of the Merchant Ships
for the Places they belong’d to.

IN April 1717, 3 we got all our Fleet together, and on the
10th »f the same Instant; the President reviewed the Land-
Forces on Shore ; and saw all Things put in good and sufficient
Order. Major Vane, chief Engineer for the Company, had
tried all the Mortars and Cochorns, then fitted and stock’d for
the Expedition. Mr. John Minins was appointed chief
Engineer for the Direction of these Mortars and Coehorns,
which did great Service. We proceeded down the Coast for
Gerey, which is not above twelve Hours Sail from Bombay ,
where we with all our Navy soon arriv’d, and run boldly into
the Harbour, Capt. Berlew Commodore, and ranged a Line
from the Easter-most Part of the Fortification, to the outer
Part of the Harbour, keeping all our small Galleys and Galley-
wats on the off-side under Shelter. But they had strong
Fortifications on both sides ; so that we left our strongest
Ships in the Harbour, to make a Breach in the Walls, in order
to storm the Castle. The Rocks were very high, and so
slippery, that one could hardly stand without a Staff, and
consequently not a Place convenient to draw Men up in any
Posture of Defence. We endeavoured to get the Fireship in,
but could not ; for on the East Part of the Fort they had a
Cove or Creek, where they had laid up a great Part of their
Fleet, and had got a strong Boom a-cross the same ; so that
we could not annoy them any otherwise than by throwing our
Bombs and Coehorns very thick into the Garrison, which we
did for a considerable time, and were in hopes after the first
and second Day’s Siege, that we should have drove them out
of that strong Castle, but we soon found that the Place was
impregnable : For as we kept throwing our Shells as fast as
we could in regular time, cooling our Chambers before we

1 This is old stylo date, equivalent here to 1718.

• On 21 March 1718.

3 As shown in the introduction, this date is quite wrong.

80

HISTORY OF THE WARS

loaded again, after we had beat down two or three Houses in
the Castle, the Shells fell on the Rocks in the Inside of the
Castle, and their Weight and Force of falling would break
them, without so much as their blowing up ; which was
supposed to be owing to the Fusee of the Shells burning too
long. As to storming the Walls, they were so high, that our
Scaling-Ladders would not near reach the Top of them.

THIS was the first Attack rfe matfe on Angria's Dominions,
which we found almost impossible to succeed in. Gerey is very
strong, and the Castle walled with Stone. We lay here four
Days, and endeavoured to beat down the Castle with our
Guns ; but in vain. After the second Day we landed all our
Forces, taking the Opportunity of the Tide, the Water rising
and fatting here as regular as in the River of Thames. We
got them all on shore, and march’d up the Country, without
Molestation ; only now and then the Castle would let fly a
Shot or two, which did us small damage. We attempted to
march the Army down to their Shipping, and to set them on
fire ; but when we came within a Mile of the Place, the Land
was all swampey, and so very muddy by the Spring Tides
flowing over, that we could not proceed. On our Retreat they
galled us very much, by firing from the Castle, we being
obliged to come near the Castle-Walls, to take our Forces off
again. Here the Gallant Captain Gordon was slightly wounded
again. They never offered to bring any Number of Forces
against us, but what they did was from the Castle, where they
had several strong Platforms for Guns, but did not fire above
one in an Hour. I question whether there were a hundred
Men in the Castle, during the time of the Siege. They have no
Town within three Miles of the Place, and it would have been
irregular for us to have gone up to the Town before we were
Masters of the Castle. Finding we could do nothing further,
we drew off our Forces ; for we had no Guides to conduct our
Army, if we had gone further in the Country. Capt. Henry
Cornwall was our chief Pilot in carrying us into the Harbour,
to which there is a very fine Channel, and excellent
anchoring Ground. The Country leads into the Grand Sedey’s 1
Dominions, and is very fruitful, abounding with plenty of all
1 See note on p. 8.

WITH ANGRIA THE PYRATE, ETC.

31

sorts of Grain and Fruit. The [River Gerey 1 runs up near
sixty or seventy Miles through a fine Country, tho’ moun-
tainous, well peopled, and of great Trade. Angria has never
hitherto presumed to insult the Dutch , who have a Factory at
Dabull 9 with a Fort well fortified. They build fine lofty
Houses, and are very superstitious in uniforming their Citadels,
which all properly belong to the Grand Scdcy , the first Emperor
of India. • •

WE torew off our Forces on the 18th of April , and went up
to Bombay , to* repair our Frigates, and take care , of our
wounded Men, of whom we had a considerable Number. The
Harbour of Gerey would be of great service to the English , it
being so commodious, and the Castle the strongest in those
Parts. «

SO soon as we got to Bombay , we sent all our wounded Men
on shore ; and amongst the rest was one Mr. Stevenson , a
young Gentleman that had his Thigh shatter’d with the
Prow-Gun on board the Hunter Galley , which split, and
wounded several Men in a most dreadful manner, and three
were killed out-right.

ALL our Fleet being arriv’d at Bombay , tho’ some of them
were much shattered, we got all our Grabs and Galley wats
hove up on shore, in order to refit. We had not been at
Bombay long, before a Dispute happened between the Portu-
guese and the English , on the Portuguese refusing to pay to the
English the usual Duty ; the Company being at the Expcncc
of keeping several Forts guarded for the Security of Commerce.

GOVERNOR Boone , for the better Security of the English
Inhabitants and their Families, built a Wall round the Town
of Bombay , and fortified the same with a strong Guard, kept at
Mention's Point, 1 2 * or the South Part of the Inland, with strong
Gates, and a large Bastion, on which they could mount 12 fine
Cannon, and in the lower Part were four large Cannon that

1 The Vaghotan river. It is only about forty miles long.

* Usually called Mendham’s Point ; the southern end of the island •

proper. There was a burying-ground here and, according to Fryer, it was

so called 4 from the first man’s name there interr’d ’. The tombs have
long since disappeared, and Bombay has swept over the site, which was
near the old Apollo Gate

HISTORY OF THE WARS

commanded all the Harbour ; each carrying Shot of 48 Pound.
The West and North Gates were as strongly fortified. The
Mandevcy 1 or Custom-house is near the Back of the Castle ;
here all the Trade chiefly come, for the Supply of the Island,
where they pay the Duties allotted by the chief Masters of
the Customs, according to the ancient Form established by
the Portuguese . For tho’ the Island of Bombay is now very
populous, yet of itself it is barren, rand the English ape the
main Supporters of its Trade. But the Portuguese , Contrary
to the Contract on the Treaty of Marriage between King
Charles the Second and Catherine Princess of Portugal , refused
to deliver up the Island of Bombay , on which the Vice-roy of
Goa was sent out with an Order to deliver it to the English . 1 2
This occasioning Delays, the Men of War and Transports were
obliged to go to Sjurat to refresh their Men, after so long and
fatiguing a Passage ; and arriving there, the Fleet put in at
Swalley-hole, in order to remain there during the time of the
Rains. The Soldiers which were in all about 900, expert and
well disciplin’d Men, being drawn up in order to exercise, so
frightned the Moors , that they sent the Commander word,
that if he did not forthwith draw off all his Forces, they would
directly put every one of the English to the Sword at Surat .
On this they embark’d again, and went to Injadavey , a small
Island near Carwar ; and the time of the Rains coming on,
and the People being much fatigued, the President, with many
of the Men, died of the, bloody Flux. News of this being
brought to England , the King granted Letters Patent to the
East-India Company, for their better promoting and estab-
lishing their Trade. Complaints were also sent to Portugal ,
concerning this Behaviour of the Portuguese, but before any
further Orders came from England , Mr. Cook, who had been
Secretary to the late deceased President and Commander,
undertook to treat with the Portuguese ; offering to allow
them a Liberty to trade, and to hold what Lands they
possessed on the Island of Bombay, without any Interruption
by the English . On this the Portuguese drew up Articles which

1 Marathi mandavi, a storehouse, and hence a custom-house.

a As before, this account of the transfer of Bombay to the English
contains several inaccuracies.

WITH ANGRIA THE PYRATE, ETC.

33

were signed by the Yice-roy of Goa , the General of the North,
and Mr. Coo!: ; by which the Portuguese Boats were allowed to
pass and repass without paying any Duty. But the English
after they had got Possession of the Island of Bombay , com-
pelled the Portuguese to pay a Duty on all Goods, which
caused great Disputes, and King Charles II. was pleased to
disallow Mr. Cook's Power to sign any Articles, as done without
his Avthority. These and other Circumstances caused frequent
Wars with the Portuguese of the Eastern Dominions, who
sided with Angria ; allowing his Grabs to use their Harbours,
and many of them enter Volunteers in Angria' s Service.

ABOUT the middle of June? which is the Height of Winter,
or the time of the Rain, they gave Orders for their Boats to
pass by our Fort at Mayham , without paying Custom to the
English ; the General of the North still insisting on the
Articles sign’d by Mr. Cooky which our Company at this time
had nothing to do with. One of their Boats running by,
Mr. Horne 2 the English Chief at Mayham sent out a Galley wat
to bring the Portuguese Boat to. Accordingly the Galleywat
iired a Gun, which was soon return’d by the Portuguese Fort
at Bombas , 1 * 3 opposite to Mayham , the River not being above
Musket-shot over. The English soon answered their Shot,
and they kept cannonading each other almost four Days.

1 In this account Downing mixes up two distinct quarrels with the
Portuguese. In 1716 the seizure by the latter of a boat cast away near
Bandra led to the dispatch of Mr. Bendall to negotiate a general settle-
ment of differences. This was effected and an agreement was signed at
the end of the year. After a while further difficulties arose and Robert
Cowan (who was Governor later) was sent to Goa towards the end of
1720 to accommodate matters. The result was an arrangement with
the Viceroy, which, however, did not last long, and in May 1722 actual
hostilities took place. There was active cannonading between the
Portuguese at Bandra and the English at Mahim, and in the following
month the latter shelled Bandra (an incident to which Downing refers).
A little later, the Portuguese having erected batteries at ‘ Corlcen ’ to
command the channel, a force from Bombay landed and destroyed
them. For a consecutive narrative of the controversies between the
two nations on the subject seo A Description of the Port and Island of
Bombay, 1724.

8 John Home, factor, was in charge of the Mahim custom-house in
1716, and later became a member of council.

3 Bandra, in Salsette, opposite to Mahim, is meant.

34

HISTORY OF THE WARS

Then we sent up some Mortars, which soon beat their Church
and Town about their ears. However, Governor Boone sent
Mr. Bendall 1 to the General of the North, in order to adjust this
Affair, and to acquaint him that Mr. Cook had sign’d Articles
without Power either from the King or Company. The
President and Company also sent Mr. Cowing to the Viceroy
of Goa , with Complaints of the Behaviour of the General of
the North. J

ABOUT this time, we had sent several large Boat& up the
River of Tanner , 1 2 3 to fetch Timber for building Shipping for the
Company. These Boats were stopt by the Portuguese at
Tanner Fort , and Correnjar ; 3 whereupon the President ordered
several of ofir Galleywats to be well mann’d, and sent with a
large Party of Soldiers, up the said Rivers of Correnjar and
Tanner , and demolished one of their Towns. On this the
Portuguese built a strong Fort opposite to that of Surey , 4 to
prevent the Communication of the Boats passing and re-passing
with Provisions for the Island. However, we had a Supply,
by sending a Convoy with such Boats as brought Provisions,
and landing the same at the Mandevey or Custom-house.

THE Account Mr. Bendall brought was, that the General
of the North still insisted on the Articles Mr. Cook had sign’d
in 1684. 5 6 But Mr. Cowing 8 finding the Viceroy at Goa more
condescending to agree in an amicable manner, the Viceroy
sent Order to the General of the North, and the General of
Correnjar , to surrender the English Boats they had stopt, and

1 Ephraim Bendall had been a member of council at Surat under
Sir John Gayer, and in 1708 was made t&ird in council under Aislabic.
In April 1711, however, the Company dismissed him, and he seems
thereafter to have resided at Bombay as a private individual. In 1720
ho was made one of the justices there, and ho held that post until ho
went to England in the year following.

* Thana River is the name of the creek running up the eastern side
of the island of Salsette, past the town of Thana, which had been fortified
by the Portuguese. The claim of the latter to levy dues on English
vessels using that channel was one of the principal causes of dispute.

3 Karanja, an island south-east of Bombay, on the opposite side of the
harbour. The Portuguese claimed to control access to those waters.

4 Sowri, a little to the north of Bombay.

5 The right date is 1665.

6 Robert Cowan, for whom see the introduction.

35

WITH ANGRIA THE PYRATE, ETC.

for the future to pay such Customs as were allotted by the
President aAd Council of Bombay .

WE were now making Preparation to lay Siege to Kenerey ;
which is a small Island lying in the Harbour’s Mouth* of
Bombay , distant about nine Miles : The Latitude of this Island
of Bombay being in 19 Deg. N. Lat. from the Equinoctial ; Surat
being in about 21 Deg. 30 M. which is 2 Deg. 30 M. difference
of Latitude : So that Surdt is ncfhr 50 Leagues to the Northward
of Bombay , being for the most part a healthy Climate.

ON the 5th Day of November 1718, we began the Siege of
Kenerey : But first I must relate the Entertainment which
was given by the President of Bombay to one Manuel de
Castro , a Renegade Portuguese , who had beenf in Angria's
Service, but having misbehaved, durst not return to* any of
the Dominions of Portugal . This Man coming to Bombay ,
made Application to the President and Council to be employed ;
giving an Account of all Angria's Fortifications, and under-
taking to conduct the Fleet into any of Angria's Harbours.
This Fellow the President appointed as Admiral 1 over all the
Company’s Galleywats, with full Power and Authority to
burn, sink, take, or destroy all such as should presume to
interrupt any of the Company’s Ships trading in the high Seas
of India , &c. Several of the English Captains of the Galley-
wats resented this very much, and refused to be under his
Command, taking him to be a Fellow of a very indifferent
Character ; which was unknown to the President, who acted
with all possible Zeal for the Success of our Undertaking. ,
However, when the Governor understood that the English
were displeased at this, *he ordered the Commodore of the
Men of War to appoint every Grab or Man of War, the proper
Number of Galleywats to attend the respective Ship, and they
had all their particular Signals : The Commodore had likewise
the Command of five of the smaller of the Galleywats. This
Fellow was with us at the Siege of Carwar 9 and did not behave
himself any way worthy of the Post conferred on him.

IN the latter End of September , the Stanhope , Addison and
Dartmouth arrived with near 300 Soldiers 2 from the Company

1 No trace of this appointment has been found in the consultations.

* Only 113 were in fact sent.

36

HISTORY OP TI-tEl WARS

in London , and Stores and Ammunition of all Sorts, which
came in good time. We had lying in the Road Seven Sail of
European Ships, two Country Merchant Ships, and the Navy
Frigates at this time, viz. The Morrice , Capt. Eustace Peacock ;
the Stanhope , Capt. Wentworth George Pits ; the Desbouvery ,
Capt. Gossel ; 1 * the Addison , Capt. Hicks;* the two latter
Captains died in Bombay , and their chief Mates succeeded
them ; the Cardonnel, Capt. Adamson ; the Dartmouth? Capt.
Carter ; and the Duke of York , Capt. Laws. 3 , The Cardonnel
was homeward bound, but had run over from Mocha , to fill
her Water at Bombay. The Morrice was bound up for Sural ,
so was the Stanhope , and Desbouvery for Persia. After they
were dispatch’d for their respective Voyages, the President
ordered the Addison and Dartmouth to assist in carrying on
the Attack of the 1 Island of Kenerey, and to take on board all
such Things as were thought convenient for the Siege. The
Soldiers were put on board the said Ships, with Ammunition,
Scaling-Ladders, cfce. And for the farther Encouragement of
the Forces, the President hoisted his Flag on board the
Addison , on the third 4 of November 1718. Having all our
Men of War, Bombs, and Fire-ships, with near 2500 Men, we
anchored to the southward of Kenerey , in about an Hour and
a half after we left Bombay ; and on the fourth we rowed round
the Island, to find a convenient Place for landing our Forces,
which was in the sandy Cove before mentioned.

NEXT Morning earl£, being the 5th of November, we
brought the Victory , Revenge and Fame Frigates a-breast the
Front work of the said Island, and bringing a Spring on our
Cables, hove our Broad-sides to face r the said Works. By four
in the Morning we began our Attack, and kept a continual
Fire till eight a-dock the same Night ; in which time wc often
dismounted their Cannon, which they played very hot upon
us till four in the Afternoon, when the Enemy left off firing,
and continued quiet all the next Day. The President thought

1 Thomas Wotton was the commander of the Bouverie (or Desbouveric),
and ho did not die during the voyage.

8 Captain Zachary Hicks died on the evening of his arrival at Bombay
(7 September 1718), and was succeeded by Richard Goaf right.

3 An error for Dawes (see p. 28). 4 This should bo ‘ first ’.

WITH ANGRIA THE PYRATE, ETC.

37

proper to have a good Guard in the Night before the Mouth
of the Cove? lest any of the Angrian Galleywats should supply
the Besieged with Ammunition ; we supposing, as they
desisted from firing, that their Ammunition was quite sp£nt.
The Admiral of our Galleywats was ordered to lie with his
live Sail at the Mouth of the Cove, to prevent the Enemy’s
receiving any Supplies, notwithstanding wlpch, five Sail of the
Angiiaxi Galleywats got ftito the Cove, with Ammunition and
Provision. On # the sixth Day we lay still, and sent our
wounded Men to the Hospital at Bombay . The same Evening
the Morrice returned from Surat , and join’d the Fleet. The
President gave Notice, that if any would go Volunteers for
the next Day’s Service, they should be paid at 'their Arrival
at Bombay 40 Rupees , which is about 5 /. Sterl. and Whoever
should lose a Leg or an Arm in the said Expedition, should
have 30 l. paid by the Company at their Arrival in London ,
and be employed in their Service during Life. This Encourage-
ment procured forty Volunteers. As to those who had Wives
and Families, or other Friends, provided they lost their Lives
in the said Expedition, their Widows should receive 30 L and
10 l. for every Child. Amongst the Volunteers was Mr. Gideon
Russel, Nephew to the late Admiral Russel, who commanded
the Seamen for that Day’s Attack, myself bearing the second
Command ; and Mr. John Steele, Carpenter’s Mate on board
the Morrice, made choice of his broad Axe for his Weapon,
and performed a brave Action, whichishall be related presently.

EARLY the next Morning we got all our Forces, both «
Soldiers and Seamen in our Galleywats, in order to land ; but
the Tide proved so high,*that we were forced to lie off. The
Britannia, Fame, and Revenge were ordered to keep the
Enemy from firing upon the Galleywats in landing the Forces.
We lost that Morning before we landed, near 60 Men, besides
the wounded ; and about nine o’clock we got all our People
into the Boats. Mr. Russel was in the Morrice' s Barge, and
led the Van ; Mr. John Steele at the same time rowed in the
Boat, as one of the Boat’s Crew. They were no sooner on
shore, but they discovered the Treachery of our Portuguese
Admiral, who was to guard the Mouth of the Cove ; for we
found two of our Galleywats lie up in the Beach before the

38

HISTORY OP THE WARS

Castle-Gate. Mr. Steele , with our Seamen were striving to
storm the Place, and behaved very gallantly, but? the Enemy
kept a smart Fire on us from the two Bastions, which galled
us very much ; and I was no sooner on shore with my Men,
but they killed me sixteen outright, tho’ I received no Wound
the whole time of the Siege. I presently met Mr. Steele
supporting Mr. Russel , with another of the Boat's Crew to
assist him ; he was very much wounded, and desirejl'to be
put on board the Victory , and there taken, care of by our
Surgeons, who tried all their Skill in vain ; for he died the
next Morning. About four o'clock we had made so good a
Progress, as gave hopes of Success : Mr. Steele with his broad
Axe had cut ‘the Bar which went across the outer Part of the
Gate almost asunder ; and had he been supported as he ought
to have been, w£ certainly should have carried our Point.
Major Stanton gallantly behaved himself, and encouraged the
People by his Example ; tho’ two Military Captains did
quite otherwise ; one threw his Sword down in the Bottom of
the Boat, which was carried to the President, who, after wc
came to Bombay , ordered him to be broke at the Head of the
three Regiments : the other was something more couragious
than the former ; for he came boldly up to the Gates, and
presented a Pistol with a Design to blow off the Lock, Bolts
and Bar on the Inside ; but the Ball rebounded back in his
Face, and wounded him on one Side the Nose ; whereupon
he ordered the Drums td beat a Retreat : So that in a few
■ Minutes I was left on shore, with only the Cockswain of the
Mortice's Boat, Samuel Green , and James Cradock (who lives
now at Deptford) and was shot in fhe Nape of his Neck ; a
Serjeant of the Marines, and a young Gentleman Volunteer, to
whom the President after gave a Commission. There were
many of the Land and Sea-Officers wounded, and several of
our Men killed, or rather massacred, when they made this
sudden Retreat. We that were left behind, had but two Boats
near shore, and one of them a-ground ; the Enemy still kept
a continual Fire on us, which we returned as fast as we were
able “to load, as we row’d off.

THIS ill Success was a great Trouble to the President, who
did all in his power to suppress this notorious Pyrate. We

WITH ANGRIA THE PYRATE, ETC. 39

were obliged to get up our Anchor, and to drive off with the
Tide, the Dajr being near spent. Indeed, we were by some ill
Conduct or Treachery defeated in all our Undertakings : For
if there happened some of Courage and Resolution to lead a
Party on any Expedition, they seldom had a second to back
them if they chanced to be wounded. As the President and
Council could do no more at this Season, ti\\ further Prepara-
tions ^^re made, the GoSfernoi* was resolved not to be idle :
Therefore, at his, Return to Bombay , he gave Orders 1 for the
building a floating Castle, or a Machine that should be almost
Cannon-proof. This Vessel was pretty flat, flowed with little
or no Bulge, and but six Foot Hold ; the Thickness of her
Sides were made by the nicest Composition Cannon-proof.
She was to go with one Mast, and a Top-sail, which waaf rigged
in a very commodious manner, and mounted 42 Guns, carrying
48 Pounders, and of course must have proved of great Service
to us, against any of those Castles which we could approach
near enough to cannonade. This floating Machine was called,
The Prahm ; tho’ the Account I shall give of her Demolition,
will be pretty surprizing. The Governor dispatched the
Morrice and Stanhope with all speed for England , and by them
gave an Account of our Proceedings with Angria . So soon as
we came up to Bombay , our Portuguese Admiral was had
before the President and Council, and accused of letting
Angria* s Galleywats into the Cove in the Night. The Fact
was plainly proved by the Kenereys that rowed in his Galley-
wat, who were Inhabitants of Bombay . On which, the
Company, 2 to prevent his farther Treachery, sent him hand-
cuffed on board the Moi*rice, Capt. Peacock , with Orders to
leave him a Slave to the Company during his Life on the
Island of St. Helena . 3 >

THE Morrice was in a Readiness for sailing some time
before the Stanhope returned from Surat, and had got three

1 In a letter of 20 December 1718 Boone informed the Company that
he had built a ‘ prahm ’ [i. e. flat-bottomed boat] to carry twelve 32-
poundera {Bombay Abstracts , vol. i, p. 316). The order must therefore
have been given some time before the expedition to Khanderi. #

* Council ? The trial is not mentioned in the records.

8 The St. Helena records note the arrival of the Morrice on 24 May
1719, with five persons as prisoners, to be employed on the island.

40

HISTORY OF THE WARS

times under Sail, but was obliged to put back again for fear
of Anglia's Grabs, who lay in wait for them. Thdy having got
the better of us in the late Attack, came from Golaby with their
Grabs to the Island of Kenerey , where they spent some Days
in great Rejoicings, laid in Plenty of all manner of Stores
and Ammunition to frustrate any future Siege. On the
Arrival of the Moyrice and Stanhope in England , who gave an
Account of the Portuguese takihg this notorious Pyrat^' part,
and admitting his Sea-Forces into their Harbours, the Court
of Directors fitted out the St. George , a Ship of Sixty Guns,
which was to continue at Bombay as a Guard-ship for the
Coast and Island of Bombay . At her Arrival there, she was put
under the Command of Capt. Harvey, who was accounted a
gallant* Man : But endeavouring to lay her on shore to clear
her Bottom, the/ soon made her unfit for Service, broke all
her Floor-Timbers, and her Back ; so that they were obliged
to pull her to pieces . 1 Capt. Lawson, who came chief Mate or
first Lieutenant of her, was made Captain of the Victory , in
the room of Capt. Burleigh , who was made Superintendant of
the Shipping of the Island, and of the Naval Stores. This
Ship would have been of great Service, had not this Accident
happened. Soon after we were to make another Attack at
Gerey, and to have our floating Machine with us, as shall be
related hereafter ; but first I shall speak something concerning
the Wars at Anjango . 2

THE President having *an Account of the Death of the Chief
• at Anjango , appointed Mr. William Gifford Governor of that

1 The St. George was an ordinary East Indiaman of 450 tons burden,
and had made at least three previous voyages to the East. She was
bought by the Directors and sent out to Bombay at the close of 1719,
with instructions that the seamen and sailors she carried were to be
used in the Bombay Marine and the vessel herself sold, as soon as she
could be dispensed with. John Harvey was appointed her captain
before the start, not upon her arrival at Bombay ; and it is unlikely
that she carried as many as sixty guns. On 31 August 1720 the Bombay
Council reported to the Company that * the St. George is so crazy and
rotten that, on bringing on shore to clean her bottom, she fell to pieces '

( Bombay Abstracts, vol. i, p. 373).

* Colonel Biddulph, in a supplement to The Pirates of Malabar , gives
a full account of the events here narrated. See also I. 0. Records :
Factory Miscellaneous , vols. xxi and xxii.

WITH ANGRIA THE PYRATE, ETC.

41

Garrison and Factory, belonging to the Company. At his
Arrival 1 there, he took Possession, and had the Compliments
of the Inhabitants paid to him with the utmost Respect. He
had not long enjoyed this Place of Honour, before the following
Accident happened. Anjango is inhabited by the Neyors and
Moccos , 2 the ancient People of the Coast of Malabar . It lies
near Cape Commeron , in 8 Deg. 15 Min. N. Lat. and has no
other»$heltcr for the Shipping than the open Road, tho* there
is a smtdl River which falls into the Sea, but not navigable
for Shipping. This is the first Factory the English have on
the Coast of Malabar , and their chief Product is Pepper of the
finest Sort, and is distinguished from all other Pepper on the
Coast of Malabar. Mr. Gifford was a Gentleman very well
skilled in all manner of Merchandise in India , and had been
Supercargo in several Voyages to divers Parts of India and
China ; but however there happened to arise a great Dispute
between the Natives of Anjango , and him, concerning the
Price of Pepper, he thinking to beat down the common Price
they used to sell for, and telling them that the Year before he
came, the Company was charged no more than what he had
offered per Candey, which is 60 Pound weight. 3 But they
insisted on the contrary ; many Disputes arose, and Mr. Gifford
pretended to go by the late Governor’s Books, thereby to
bring Things to his own Price, for the Company’s Benefit.
This the Neyors most heinously resented, and they being a
very sly politick People, gave him arj Invitation up the River
in a friendly manner. He went up with a slight Guard with
him, not suspecting any thing, accompanied by one or two of
the Gentlemen of the Factory, in the Pleasure-Boat. On his
Landing, they were ready to receive him, but in another manner
, than what he expected ; for so soon as they came up, they
seized Mr. Gifford , and cut out his Tongue, and nailed it down

1 Gifford, who, as already noted, had married Chown’s widow, was
sent to Anjengo in November 1717, but William Kiffin, the then Chief,
did not give up charge until several months later. Kiffin had not died,
as here stated.

a Nayars and Mukhavar, the latter being the fishermen, boatmen^ &c.,
sometimes called Muckwas.

• This is an error. Grose (c. 1760) gives the Anjengo candy as equiva-
lent to 560 lb.

42

HISTORY OF THE WARS

to his Breast, then made him fast to a Plank, and sent him
floating down the River before the Fort, whicht they never
presumed to come near . 1 This they did, to shew they were
not to be imposed upon by Fraud, but were resolved not to
suffer their Contract with the English on their first establishing
a Fort there, to be eluded ; which was to take their Pepper at
a certain Price, provided the same proved good, and fit for
the Market. They are a People thaC will not be imposed on,
being of a warlike Disposition, and depend much on their
Arms, very ambitious in their way, and never given to lye, or
break their first Agreements.

SO soon as Mrs. Gifford had the News of this melancholy
Tragedy, she was resolved to retire, and secure herself. Having
pack’d Tip what Treasure there was in the Fort, and a smal
Brigantine belonging to Bengal coming into the Road, she
imbark’d on board of her, and proceeded to Madrass ; where
the Governor, supposing she had brought off the Company’s
Treasure as well as her own, detained her, and required her to
deliver up the Company’s Accounts, which she pretended were
left in the Factory at Anjango. She insisted on coming to
England , and to give the Company an Account of all things
she had taken with her ; pretending that the Company was
indebted to her.

THE Court of Directors in the Year 1718, 2 was sending the
yearly Shipping for the Support of their Factories abroad ;
the Cassandra , Capt. Maskray* was taken up, with the Green-

1 Gifford, accompanied by the other factors and a number of soldiers,
went up to Attinga (four miles above Apjengo) on 11 April 1721, to
ratify the peace and to pay the usual presents, which were long overdue.
From the massacre that ensued only seventeen topasscs, all wounded,
escaped. The factQry was then besieged ; but thanks chiefly to the
bravery of the gunner, Samuel Ince, the garrison held out until relieved
by a force from Bombay in the following October. Mrs. Gifford, with
other women and children, at the first alarm sailed to Madras in a
country ship.

* This should be 1719. The two vessels sailed in the spring of 1720.

* James Macrae. The Directors were so much impressed by his
gallant defence of his ship that on his return to England they sent him
to Fort Marlborough (Sumatra) as Supravisor, thence to proceed to
Fort St. David as Deputy Governor on the Coromandel Coast. He
succeeded to the post of Governor of Madras in January 1725 and held

WITH ANGRIA THE PYRATE, ETC.

48

wich, Capt. K^irby, for the Bombay Service ; and proceeded on
their Voyage together to the Island of Johanna ; 1 there
they touch’d to take in Refreshments, there being all sorts in
plenty on that Island, and the People of a very honest and
easy Disposition. You may have here Fowls, Goats, and
Bullocks at a very cheap Rate, with a Variety of Fruits and
Roots for the Refreshment of those who have had a long and
fatiguefr>g Passage.

WE had an Account of certain Pyrates, who had been
cruising off the Red-Sea , two of which happened to come into
Johanna Road, just as Capt. Mackray, and Capt. Kirby were
in a Readiness for sailing. These Pyrates were come off last
from the Coast of Guinea , with a design to advance into the
Indian Sea. They attack’d Capt. Mackray , who rifade a
gallant Defence ; but the Greenwich , Capt. Kirby , and a Ship
belonging to Ostend , tho’ present, never once offered to assist
him, but sailed away as fast as they could . 2 The Pyrates were
commanded by Capt. England and Capt. Taylor , who have
done a great deal of Mischief in those Parts. After Capt.
Mackray had made a very good Defence, they got the Victory
* by the Cassandra's unluckily driving on shore, where the
Pyrates boarded and overpower’d them. Capt. Mackray , with
most of his Crew, made their Escapes on shore, which so
provoked the Pyrates, that they threatned to massacre every
one of them. But after a Day or two past, they had a

that office until May 1730. He returned home with a large fortune,
bought several estates in Scotland, and died in 1744.

1 One of the Comoro Islands, between Madagascar and the mainland.

* The date of this event whs 7 August 1720. Richard Kirby’s log
is at the India Office (no. 488 A). He admits that, seeing the Cassandra
aground, though fighting bravely, he left her and made his escape.
He says that the pirates were the Victory , a French-bliilt ship of 46 guns,
commanded by [Edward] England, and the Fancy (36 guns, Butch-
built) under [Jasper] Seager. Richard Lazenby, in his narrative (India
Office : Misc . Letters Reed., vol. xiii, no. 99), says that Seager had the
chief command, while Taylor was in charge of the Victory. Macrae calls
the leader England. As the latter was an assumed name, we may perhaps
conclude that England and Seager were identical. A full account of the
fight will be found in Mr. S. C. Hill’s articles on Piracy in the Indian Seas,
published in the Indian Antiquary, 1919-20. Macrae’s narrative is given
in Charles Johnson’s General History of the Pyrates (2nd ed., vol. i,
p. 119).

44

HISTORY OF THE WARS

Consultation amongst themselves, and considering the gallant
Behaviour of Capt. Mackray , and what a good Character he
bore amongst his Men, they agreed to return him another
Ship in the room of his own. They sent Messengers up into
the Country to search for him, and Letters to assure him they
would not hurt a Hair of his Head, but only satisfy him of
their good Intentions towards him. On which account he
ventured down, and they entertained him in a very handsome
manner on board his own Ship, with the best of his own
Liquors and Provisions. The Pyrates had a great Demur
amongst themselves about giving Capt. Mackray the Fancy ,
in the room of the Cassandra ; but Capt. England told them,
that if they refused this, he would renounce his Command
amongst them, and live a retired Life on some of those
inhabited Islands. Capt. England being much beloved, they
comply’ d to this Proposal, tho’ Taylor resented the same most
bitterly, and vowed to be revenged on England for his
Generosity. Accordingly they resigned the Fancy to Capt.
Mackray. This was a fine Dutch-hm\t Galley, which sailed
very well, and was a Ship of good Burden. They gave him,
besides the Ship, several Bales of Scarlet Cloth, and during
the time of their Stay, they used him very handsomely ; tho’
they gave him only a short Stock of Provisions and Stores,
hardly sufficient to carry him to Bombay ; they well knowing
in how long time they might run from Johanna thither, being
at that time of the Year, when the Trade-winds favoured
their Passage.

AT their Arrival at Bombay , the Relation of the Cassandra's
being taken was so different from thVi Report that Capt. Kirby
had made to the Governor concerning it, that he was ashamed
of the Meanness, of it, and took the same so much to heart,
that in his going a Voyage to Persia , he died before he got
there. 1

NOW the Barrington was the first Ship in order for England ,
by whom Letters were dispatched concerning Capt. Mackray* s

1 The Greenwich reached Bombay on 3 September 1720, and Captain
Macrae arrived on 26 October. The Greenwich proceeded to Persia, and
Kirby died ashore at Gombroon on 29 August 1721. He was succeeded
by John Barnes.

45

WITH ANGRIA THE PYRATfi, ETC.

being taken. 1 * The Captain had disposed of the Ship the
Pyrates had^given him at Johanna , to one Mr. Wake 3 a very
eminent Merchant at Bombay ; and also of his other Effects,
and went home Passenger in the Barrington . 3 4 This News- of
the Indian Seas being incumbered with Pyrates of our Nation,
so far alarmed the Court of Directors, as to petition the
Crown to grant a Squadron of Men of War to be sent thither
to suppress them, who for’ near ’ two Years continued to infest
those Parts. After Capt. Mackray parted with them, they
went and cruised off the Straits of Babelmondonf or the Red-
Sea, and there they took a Moors Ship coming down from
India richly laden. 5 6 7 Tho’ Capt. Mackray' s Ship had 75,000 l. G
in ready Cash on board of the Company’s Treasure, besides
great Quantities of Bale Goods, with European Liquors of
great Value, &c. yet this Moors Ship had more Value in
Diamonds, Rubies, and Emeralds, with the richest of Drugs,
and a great quantity of Balm of Gilead ; all which these
Pyrates made waste of, and suffered the same to lie exposed
to the Wind and Weather on the Island of St. Mary J There
we found the Ruins of several Ships and their Cargoes piled
up in great Heaps, consisting of the richest Spices and Drugs ;
all which they valued not : but Money, rich Silks, Diamonds,
and other Jewels, they took care of ; and all Eatables and

1 The news went home by the Tartar . The Barrington did not return
till 1723.

a The Fancy was the Company’s property, not Macrae’s. She waH
employed until the end of 1721, and was then sold by the Bombay.
Council to William Wake.

a Macrae appears to have, gone home in the Chandos, which sailed
at the end of January 1722. She was wrecked at the Capo of Good Hope,
but those on board escaped to shore, and Macrae was in London by
December of that year. u

4 Bab -el -Mandeb.

6 This probably refers to the capture of a Surat vessel, bound for Jedda,
on 18 August 1720 ; but that incident took place near Bombay, and the
passengers were put ashore at Malabar Hill. The vessel and cargo were
valued at twelve lakhs of rupees. See Bombay Abstracts , vol. i, p. 373.

6 The Cassandra's invoice, which presumably included the treasure,

amounted only to £40,472. ,

7 This was the famous pirate rendezvous on what is now called
lie -Sainte -Marie, on the eastern side of Madagascar, extending from
16° 4' to 17° 6' S. latitude.

46

HISTORY OF THE WARS

Drinkables which they fancied. They made the Island of
Madagascar their Rendezvous, where they committed all
manner of Enormities, and every one did as his own vicious
Heart directed him.

IN the Year 1710, the London and Chandois arrived at
Bombay ; 1 the former under the Command of Capt. Upton,
and the latter under the Command of Capt. Fazakerly , who
died either at Bombay , or in a ^Voyage to Persia. We had now
an Account of the Disturbance at Anjango, of the Death of
Mr. Gifford , and the Proceedings of Mrs. Gifford in taking care
of her Affairs for her own Security. 2 The whole naval Forces
of Bombay were all mann’d, and our floating Engine or Machine
along with us ; and the London , Capt. Upton , was ordered to
receive* Mr. Broom , one of the Council of Bombay , on board,
in order to rectify all Affairs in behalf of the Company's
Settlement at Anjango , and to hoist the Union Flag at their
main Topmast-head. They were likewise to go in quest of
tfie Pyrates, Taylor and England , who after they had taken
the India Ship belonging to the Moors , proceeded for the
Island of Domascaicus , 3 in order to have some clandestine
Dealing with the French , who inhabit that Island, and are
suspected of trading with such Pyrates. They also, as we
understood afterward, intended to winter there, under Pretence
of being English East-India-Men . But coming into the Road,

1 The London and Chandos reached Bombay on 26 August 1720 (not
1719). The former was commanded by William Upton, and the latter
by Thomas Gilbert. William Fazakerly was the chief supercargo of
the Carnarvon , which started for China the same season as these two
ships.

* As Gifford was not killed until April 1721 (see p. 42), the naval force
could not have been sent out on that account. As a matter of fact, its
object was to carry out a further attack on Gheria. This was madd in
September 1720; but it resulted only in the destruction of several
of Angria’s vessels (Bee Bombay Abstracts, vol. i, p. 376, the log of the
London, and the Bombay Gazetteer, vol. xxvi, part i, p. 162). Colonel
Biddulph gives a full account of it in his Pirates of Malabar (p. 141).
Walter Brown was in command. As noted in the introduction, some of
the details agree with Downing’s account on p. 28 of the attack which
he says (wrongly) was made in 1717.

* The Portuguese called Reunion, Mauritius, and Rodriguez the Don
Mascarenhas Islands, from the name of their discoverer ; but the name
was generally applied (as here) to the first of these.

WITH ANGRIA THE PYRATE, ETC. 47

and seeing a very large Ship there, they judg’d her to be
richly ladeif, bound for Europe , belonging either to the
English , French , Butch , or Portuguese , and made Preparation
to engage her. This Ship belong’d to the King of Portugal ,
and had the Viceroy of Goa 1 on board, who was then bound
for Lisbon ; but having lost their Passage round the Cape ,
had returned back to winter there. The Vjceroy, and all the
HeacP^fficers and Gentifemen* were ashore, and seeing an
English built Shjp coming in with English Colours, judged it
to be a Ship under the same Misfortune as themselves, that
had lost their Passage. The Pyrates had sent the other Ship
which they had taken in India, to St. Mary's on the Island of
Madagascar, and also the Brigantine, to get all Things in
Readiness against they came, in order to heave down aifd clean
their Ship for another Cruise. The Portuguese were preparing
to salute them, or expected that they would do so, as soon
as they came to an Anchor ; but instead thereof, they came
close along-side of them, and instead of firing by way of
Salute, with English Colours flying, they poured in a Broad-
side on them, and then boarded them Sword in hand. The
others having made no manner of Preparation to fight, and
being a lumbered Ship, they soon compleated their Victory,
and carried the Ship out of the Road directly ; the Gentlemen
on shore not being able to prevent them. When the Pyrates
came to St. Mary's, they altered the Ship, and fitted her for
mounting seventy Guns, and the Cassandra for forty Guns ;
this they did by the Help of Capt. Mackray's Carpenter’s Mate, a
whom they forced along with them ; and then destroyed all
the other Ships they had*taken. However, they soon refitted,
and were resolved to make t’other Cruise on the Coast of
India , as some say, in order wilfully to run their Ship on shore,
and by that means save most part of their Treasure ; and
then settle amongst the Moors at Surat, or travel through the
Country to some inland Places where the Portuguese inhabited.

The London with the Victory Grab, the Revenge, and
Britannia , the Defiance , and Prahm, the great and mighty

•

1 The Conde de Ericeira. He was left on the island, after paying a
ransom. For contemporary accounts see Mr. Hill’s articles, referred to
above.

48

HISTORY OF THE WARS

floating Machine, which the Revenge had in Tow, after having
been and settled all the Company's Affairs at Akjango , l were
returning up the Coast off of Mount Delle , a about seven Leagues
to*the Northward of Tillicherry (where the Honourable Robert
Adams , Esq; was then Governor) the Fleet plying to windward,
early in the Morning, fell in with the Cassandra and Victory ,
which was the Ship the Pyrates had taken from the Portuguese^
and named so. The Night before,” the Fleet had b^^Ti" very
much scattered, and early in the Morning, those two Ships
falling in with the Fleet, they thought that the large Ship was
the London. The Victory Grab coming under her Stern,
thinking she seemed too large for the London (tho’ the London
was a very large Ship) haled them in English , and asked what
Ship that was ? They answered, the Victory. They then
thought it had been the London , and huzza'd, and asked them
what they wanted ? The Pyrate Victory haled the Grab, and
asked what Ship that was ? They answered, the Victory .
By which they knew they had got in the midst of the Bombay
Fleet ; and the Pyrates reported afterward, that at that time
they could have taken them with all the Ease imaginable.
In the mean time the London came up, and asked what was
the Matter ? The Victory Pyrate discharged a Broad-side at
the other Victory , who never fired at her again, and the Pyrate
told them at the same time, that the other Ship was the
Cassandra. There was such Confusion on board the London ,
that all the Ship was in <an Uproar, and Capt. Upton frighted
very much. By this time it was Sun-rising, little Winds, and
close under the Land ; where they were obliged to lie all of
a heap together, till the Land-brefeze came off to separate
them. In the mean time, the Pyrates got all things ready to
engage. But Capt. Upton , so soon as the Land-breeze came
off, was resolved not to fight, without Mr. Brown's Orders,
who had a Commission from Governor Boone to hoist the

1 The fleet was returning from the attack on Gheria, already mentioned.
The skirmish with the pirates took place on 22 and 23 October 1720.
For a narrative of it, see the log of the London , and Bombay Abstracts,
vol. p. 376. Downing's account is of course only hearsay ; but thero
is no doubt that Brown’s squadron behaved in a cowardly manner.

a Mount Delly or D’Eli, a headland in 12° 2' N. The fighting really
occurred a little to the north of Glicria.

WITH ANGRIA THE PYRATE, ETC. 49

Union Flag. Capt. Upton also required Mr. Brown to give him
Security on -the Company for all Damages the Ship might
sustain. The Ship’s Company was very eager to engage ;
Mr. Lyon 1 (who at his Return to England , had a new Ship built
for him, called the Windham) was then chief Mate of the
London , and almost mad to see such ridiculous Proceedings.
The Captain ordered a Man to the Mast-head to strike the
Flagt ^he Fellow swore that he would send Flag-staff and all
down with it. Accordingly he went up, and instead of striking
the Flag, he drove the Fidd out, and let the Flag-staff run
down amain. This made the Pyrates laugh in their Sleeve,
tho’ they did not well know how to venture to engage them ;
for they did not like the Looks of the Bombay Man of War.
The Question was proposed, what should be done with the
Prahm the Revenge had in Tow ? and Orders were given to
set her on fire ; a fine Proof of Conduct after that the President
and Council of Bombay had been at that great Expcnce in
procuring an Invention for the better annoying the Enemy’s
Garrisons ! They set her on fire accordingly, and she was
entirely consumed ; tho’ all reasonable Persons must allow,
that the Pyrates would never have thought it worth while to
take a Vessel not fit to carry out of sight of Land, nor four
Leagues off shore, in case of a Head-Sea. After this the
Pyrates made off, without any further Attempt on our Ships.

THE Fleet soon after arrived at Bombay , and Order was
given for making Preparation for, another Siege against
Gerey ; * which accordingly we did, but had the usual ill Success
in our Proceedings.

I shall now speak of a particular Sea-fight performed by
two gallant Captains ; which, had it not been for some
unlucky Accident happening to both of thejn, they had cer-
tainly come off Conquerors. Capt. Martin in the Eagle Galley ,
and Capt. Dogget in the Hunter Galley , were some time after
engaged with Angria’s Grabs off Bombay , and behaved so
well, that there was a very great Probability of their succeed-
ing. Capt. Dogget had three times boarded one of the biggest
Grabs, and in attempting to board her the fourth time, they

1 A mistake for [Robert] Lyell. He commanded the Windham from
1725. * As we have seen, this expedition had already taken place.

E

50

HISTORY OF THE WARS

blew up, and every Soul of them perished with the Blast ; and
the Eagle Galley blew up likewise, and not so m(ich as a Man
was saved out of either of them. Their Galley wats were then
obliged to make the best of their way for Bombay , with the
News of the ill Success of the Engagement . 1 These Accidents,
’tis to be hoped, will be a Warning to many of our young Sea-
Gunners to be more careful in their delivering out their
Powder ; as it is certain thesd Misfortunes could no qjferwise
happen than by their not taking sufficient care of the Powder
Magazine. This Engagement was after the great Siege of
Allabeg , which was the last Attempt we made by Land on
Angria ; but have strove ever since to suppress him by Sea.

THE other Pyrates being still ranging on the Indian Seas,
they proceeded for their common Place of Rendezvous, the
Island of Madagascar , and in their way they took a Moors
Ship, coming from China , loaded with very rich Goods, which
they totally demolished at the Island of St. Mary's, where
they clean’d their Ships. On these repeated Insults of the
Pyrates, the Court of Directors had made their humble
Application to the King and Council ; on which his Majesty
thought proper to appoint a Squadron of Men of War, under
the Command of Commodore Matthews , (viz. the Lyon, Capt.
Readish, on board of whom the Commodore hoisted his broad
Pennant ; the Salisbury , Capt. Cockburn , who was in case of
Death to succeed Commodore Matthews ; the Exeter, Sir
Robert Johnson ; and tht Shoreham , Capt. Maine) to be aiding
and assisting to the Hon. Company’s Settlements, and to
suppress all such Pyrates and Robbers as should any ways
interrupt the free Trade in the Indian Seas : But by Distress

1 Downing’s account is not entirely accurate. A dispatch from Bom-
bay to the Company, 22 March 1722, says : ‘ Angria’s fleet . . . being
four grabs and several gallevats mett off Basseen the 26th past the
Hunter gaily, coming from Surat, and Eagle briggantine, with two
gallevats ; whom they engag’d, and after a dispute of six hours the
Hunter gaily blow up. All her people, except twenty-nine, were lost ;
and the Eagle briggantine, with the gallevats, made a running fight,
with the Bombay Merchant in her company, getting into Serigon [Shlr-
gaon] and latter into Mahim Kelme [Kelve-Mahim, in Thana District],
belonging to the Portugueze.’ In the Bombay Consultations , 2 March
1722, will be found noted a letter from Thomas Martin, the commander
of the Eagle , which gives the date of the engagement as 27 February.

51

WITH ANGRIA THE PYRATE, ETC.

of Weather, before the Squadron arrived at Bombay > they were
all separated ; the Salisbury and Exeter damaging their Masts,
were obliged to bear away for Lisbon , to get new Masts, which
accordingly they did. 1 In the mean time, the Commodbrc
proceeded with all possible Expedition for the appointed
Rendezvous for the Squadron, which was at Bombay , where
the Commodore had Instructions to be adding and assisting
to ttos'Company’s Governors, *as they should require. The
Commodore being desirous that the separated Ships might
know where to find him (which possibly they knew, without
his leaving of Letters in such Hands as he did) in his Passage
touch’d at St. Augustine's Bay, 2 on the Island of Madagascar
to refresh his People; and at his Departure • left Letters
directed for Capt. Cockbum , Commander of the Salisbury.
He had not been gone long, before the Pyreftes in the Victory
and Cassandra arrived there, to whom the Blacks delivered
his Letters, who at that time did not know of any Men of War
coming in quest of them. They took the Letters and brought
them on board the Victory , where Capt. Taylor was pleased
to have them read at the Mast, by which they were satisfied
of the Strength of the Squadron, the Names of every Ship, the
Commanders Names, and the Number of Guns and Men.
This looked as if they were left with an intent to fall into the
Hands of the Py rates ; for as Capt. Cockbum was the Senior
Captain next the Commodore, he must certainly have known
the Place of Rendezvous. For had not these Letters fell into
their Hands, the Salisbury would probably have fell in with
these Pyrates ; but they finding these Letters left for her,
did not think proper to stay there, but directly weighed and
run for Port Dolphin . 3 The Inhabitants of St. Augustine did
not know who was right or wrong, and bring an ignorant
People, they gave the Letter to the first Ships that came :
For according to the Account we received afterwards, the
Pyrates had not been gone long, before the Salisbury and
Grantham arrived there, where making no Stay, they had no

1 The outward voyage of Mathews’s squadron is related in greater
detail in the second section of Downing’s narrative. *

* On the south-west coast of Madagascar, in about 23}° S. latitude.

* Port or Fort Dauphin, on the south-east coast of the island, in 25°
S. latitude.

ia 2

HISTORY OF THE WARS

true Account of them. Wherefore they proceeded for the
Place of Rendezvous appointed before they feft England .
It is customary, for fear of losing Company by Distress of
Weather, for every Captain to have his sailing Instructions,
and an Account of Places appointed for Rendezvous : Besides,
all Ships of War before they go out of any Harbour have their
Signals, with the List of the Line of Battle, according to the
Seniority of the Commanders : So that every Fore-ipagi’ Man
may look up and see the Ship’s Name, Captain, and Compli-
ment of Men and Guns, as they steer the Ship ; such List
always being hung up at the Mizen Mast for the better Instruc-
tion of the petty Officers on the Quarter-Deck, in case of
Signals made during the time of being in company with whole
SquadTons of Ships of War, under the Command of Flags or
Commodores. '

THE Lyon and Shoreham arrived at Bombay in the Beginning
of September 1 1721, and the Exeter in about a fortnight after ;
she having left the Salisbury off the Cape de Verd Islands,
after they came out of Lisbon. And the Grantham being
appointed Store-Ship for the Squadron, lost company with the
Commodore, and was recruiting at the Cape , when the Salisbury
arrived there. The Salisbury , Capt. Cockbum , took the
Grantham under his Care, in order to bring her to Bombay ;
where they arrived on the Second or Third of October . 2 * At the
Lyon's Arrival, the Commodore very much resented the
President’s not saluting him. The President of Bombay knew
the Length of his own Commission, and as he was a President
for the King, and a Governor for the Company, 8 he imagined,
as all other great Men in such Stations would, that he was
something superior to a Commodore of a Squadron ; tho’ the
Directors of the Company had sent Orders by the Grantham
for him to salute the Commodore, at his Arrival. 4 * After many

1 They really arrived on 27 August. The Exeter came in on 15
September.

• 29 September, according to the Bombay records. The Grantham
had arrived three days before.

* This statement should be reversed. Boone had been appointed
President by the Company, and he claimed to have authority from the
king (through them) as Governor of a fortress.

4 This was so, bat the letter did not arrive till 6 September, when

Boone immediately gave the order to salute the Commodore.

WITH ANGRIA THE PYRATE, ETC.

53

Messages to and fro’, disputing who should fire first, the
President iri* Council complied to salute him, and then the
Commodore thought proper to go on shore.

THE Island of Bombay was now throng’d with the NaV'y-
Officers, who look’d as much superior to us, as the Greatness
of their Ambition could possibly lead them. There were daily
Duels fought by one or other of them ; and Challenges pcr-
petuaHj^sent round the Isfond by the Gentlemen of the Navy.
Having such a great Number of gallant Heroes, we were in
great hopes of totally demolishing Angria. The President and
Council, with the Commodore, concluded on the Attack of
Allabeg, 1 and withal to send an Express to the Viceroy 2 of Goa ,
and to the General of the North , 3 to request then* Assistance
in this great and important Affair. The Viceroy with' much
pretended Zeal came in person, designing to head such Forces
as he had raised, and brought with him : The General of the
North also came down to Bombay , and was most magnificently
entertained by the President. The Horse-Guards of the
Island of Bombay were ordered and fitted up for this Expedi-
tion : We now took a Method we never before had taken ;
we were to land at Choule all our Artillery, that being a Harbour
belonging to the Portuguese , and joining to Angria’ s Country ;
our Camp was pitched on the Island of Bombay in order for
Review ; and every thing was disposed in a very complcat
manner. Mr. Cowing was appointed by the President and
Council, Generalissimo of all the English Forces ; several
Commissions were granted to the Gentlemen belonging to the
Men of War ; Mr. Wheatly , 4 first Lieutenant of the Exeter , was
commissioned as Colonel* of a Company in the Company’s

1 Alibag, the chief town of the Kolaba district, situated at the mouth
of a tidal creek, in 18° 39" N. latitude. The fort lie« to the north-west
of the town, within a hundred yards of the beach. The island fort of
Kolaba, Kanhoji Angria’s head-quarters, lay to the south-west of Alibag,
about a furlong from the shore. For a plan, see p. 253 of the Konkan
volume of the Bombay Gazetteer .

* Don Francisco Jos6 de Sampaio e Castro.

8 Don Joao Fernandes de Almeida. No account of his visit has been
found in the records. ,

4 Apparently this is incorrect. Capt. Cockbum’s log (P. R. 0.,
no. 842) says that Samuel Braithwait, the first lieutenant of the Lion ,
was in eommand as colonel ; and this is corroborated by the log of
Capt. Reddish (P. R. 0., no. 536).

54

HISTORY OF THE WARS

Service ; Mr. John Johnson as Captain in the same. Mr.
Bellamy ,* a Midshipman belonging to the Commodore, was
commissioned as an Ensign ; and Lieutenant Crawford , 1 2 who
way then third Lieutenant of the Lyon, was commissioned as
Captain ; and the Gentlemen of the Men of War, who thought
proper to go as Volunteers in the Company’s Service on this
Expedition, were honourably accepted of and generously
rewarded. Wc were now furnished with a large Tram of
Artillery, an accomplished Gentleman chose for chief Engineer,
recommended out of the Squadron, and Capt. Greenhill
Captain of the Artillery ; with a Company of Pioneers. The
Camp being formed on the Island of Bombay, they were all
thoroughly disciplin’d according to the President’s and Com-
modore’s Approbation, and encreased by a Detachment of
40 Men out of every Man of War. The Portuguese Troops and
Forces join’d us at Choule : The Men of War, and the rest of
the Naval Force of Bombay took on board all the Soldiers, and
several other Vessels were taken up as Transports to carry the
Artillery. We had 24 fine Field-pieces of Cannon, and all
manner of Ammunition answerable to them. From Choule
we march’d for Allabeg ; the Shipping came to an Anchor in
the Road. In the mean time, the Captains of the Men of War
were sollicitous to find out the Channel that led to a small
Fort at the Harbour’s Mouth of Allabeg. This Sir Robert
Johnson undertook, and went in his own Barge to sound for
the Channel ; and he imagined he had found one sufficient to
4 carry the Shoreham , a 20 Gun Ship, under the Command of
Capt. Covel Maine : But how this Accident happened, we
cannot judge ; for they run her on 'the Rocks going into the
Harbour, where she received considerable Damage, tho’ they
got her off again. w She broke five of her Floor-timbers, and had
it not been flowing Water, they must in all Probability have
left her there.

General Cowing was all this while drawing up the Army, and

1 Leonard Bellamy appears in the paybook of the Lion as having
been promoted from able seaman to midshipman on 12 January 1721,
and transferred to the Salisbury on 23 September 1723.

1 Lieut. John Crawford had been transferred from the Shoreham to
the Lion on 23 October 1721,

WITH ANGRIA THE PYRATE, ETC. 55

having join’d all the Portuguese Forces, they encamped on the
Sands of Allkbeg , where they got all their Army in an engaging
Posture. Commodore Matthews was very diligent, and being
desirous to see the Disposition of the Camp, went on shear,
in company with the Viceroy of Goa, the General of the North,
and General Corving ; with a slight Guard, they rode out of
the Camp to view the Country so far as they thought proper,
for their better Direction which way to march. Our Army now
consisted of near 5000 Men all together, which were but few
to attack an Enemy in his own Dominions. But had their
Courage and Conduct been good, they might possibly have
drove Angria quite out of the Low Country, into the Sedey’s
Dominions. The Commodore, with the rest of* the general
Officers, coming by a sort of an inclosed piece of Ground,
a single Fellow of the Angrians came boldly*up to the Hedge,
and threw a Lance at the Commodore, which stuck in his Thigh :
The Fellow was well mounted, and so was the Commodore, who
directly as soon as he had received the Wound, drew out the
Lance himself, and rode after the Fellow with great Fury,
pulling out his Pistols in order to shoot at him ; but neither
of them would give fire. This so enraged the Commodore, that
he was like a Man distracted, to think his Armourer had taken
so little care to have his Arms in order. The Fury he was in,
hurried him beyond Reason ; for had not he stop’d as he did,
he would soon have repented, for they were encamp’d in a
Wood about two Miles from the Place 0 l The Commodore seeing
the Camp in such regular Form and Order as he approved of,
having their Artillery and all necessary Ammunition in Readi-
ness ; the Portuguese oi» the right Wing, and the English
Seamen on the left ; the Day of Attack was set. When the
Viceroy of Goa came off, and went on board hi^Ship, pretending
that he was taken very ill. The Commodore sent his own
Doctor to him, to offer his Service, and supply him with such
Medicines as should be convenient for him, if he was really
taken ill. But the Doctor returned, and reported to the
Commodore, that he did not perceive any thing to be the
matter with him. However the Day of Attack was not. put

1 Capt. Reddish, in his log, says that Mathews returned to the Lion ,
wounded, on 7 December,

50

HISTORY OF THE WARS

off : But General Cowing headed the English Army, and the
General of the North the Portuguese ; and nckie appeared
more courageous than the English Seamen, commanded by
the Officers of the Navy. In this Order, they came boldly up
to the Castle-Walls of* Allabeg , where they pitch’d their
Scaling-Ladders, and gallantly ascended the Wall. Young
Mr. Bellamy , who is now, if alive, a Lieutenant in the Navy,
ascended the Walls with Colours "flying in his Hai^V and
defended himself bravely against the Enemy. The Angricms
came down in a great Body, with several Elephants ; which the
General of the North perceiving, he broke the Order of his Wing ;
and the Seamen being employed in storming the Castle, (which
lor certain they would have taken, had they been properly
supported) the whole Army fell into Confusion. So soon as
the Enemy saw that the Portuguese were on the Retreat, and
the whole Army was confused, they came down upon them, and
made a terrible Slaughter amongst the English Soldiers and
Seamen ; great part of our Artillery was taken, with most of
the Ammunition thereto belonging . 1

IN the mean time, this bright Youth, Mr. Bellamy had so
gallantly engaged himself, that had not Lieutenant Wheatly
(who on this Expedition had a Colonel’s Commission) and
Lieutenant Johnson , Sir Robert's eldest Son, flew to his Relief,
he would certainly have been cut to pieces. Tho’ they brought

* Note, Allabeg lies between Golaby and Choule ; Choule not being
above 15 Leagues to the Southward of Bombay, and Golaby not above six
Leagues from Bombay. And from the Portuguese City of Choule it is
about 10 or 12 Miles through the Country to Allabeg. If the Portuguese
did not side with them , they would not admit the Angrian Grabs' to anchor
in their Harbours. *

1 Capt. Cockburn’s log states that the English force was landed at
Chaul on 1 December 1721. Tho Lion and Exeter each contributed fifty
sailors, and the Satisbury forty. Alibag was bombarded on the 12th ;
and two days later 500 men (English and Portuguese) attempted to
storm the fortress. No breach had been made, and the walls were
twenty feet high. The attack was repulsed, with the loss of Bixty men
killed (of whom a third were sailors) and twenty-six wounded. On
29 December tho attempt was given up, as nothing could be done
against Kolaba, ‘the Sow Roger coming to the assistance of Angria
with *3,000 horse, and the Portuguese treating of a peace with them.'
The log of the master of the Lion (P. R. 0., no. 436) gives the number of
Bailors supplied by that vessel as seventy-six and the loss as forty.

WITH ANGRIA THE PYRATE, ETC. 57

him off with Life, yet he was cut and mangled in a miserable
manner. 1

THE whole Army was now on the Rout, and the Commodore
came on shore in a violent Rage, flew at the General of the
North, and thrust his Cane in his Mouth, and treated the
Viceroy not much better. Thus the Angrians defeated us
this time, intircly by the Treachery of the Portuguese , who
sccmfcj^to design only to lead our People on, and then to leave
them in the lurch : This seem’d the more probable ; for they
never once offered to pursue them, but let them march off
without any Molestation. We got off most of our scatter’d
Forces, and what part of the Baggage and Artillery we had
saved, and re-imbarked, tlio’ we had great Numbers kill’d and
wounded. Among the wounded was Mr. Edward Province ,
a young Man belonging to the Lyon ; who lemt one of his Eyes,
and part of his Right-hand ; Mr. William Jefferson and
Mr. William Thirteen , Seamen on board the Salisbury ; the
former lost his Right-hand, and the latter had his Right-arm
so shattered, that he never had the Use of it afterwards, and the
Surgeons took out 32 Splinters of Bone from his Arm. For
the better Encouragement of others to enter into the honour-
able Company’s Service, Mr. Province received 30 1. Sterl.
and has been employed in the Company’s Warehouse at the
Steel-yard ever since ; Jefferson received 30 l, and Thirteen
received 30 l. besides a Pension from the Chest of Chatham , l

THE whole Army returned novj to Bombay ; and the
Shoreham was sent up to Surat to dock, and repair the Damage
she had .sustained ; the Commodore also with the Exeter went
for Surat, and left the Salisbury Guard-ship at Bombay .

THE time limited for the Government of the Hon. Charles
Boone , Esq ; was expired, and the Court of Directors appointed
the Hon. John Pitts, 2 * Esq; to succeed him. Governor Boone
had behaved in so honourable a manner, that it was with the
utmost Reluctance that all Ranks of People at Bombay parted
with him. And it may be truly said, that none of his Pre-
decessors in that Post ever deserved so much on all Accounts,

1 The Company granted £30 to Jefferson on 26 February 1725.' The

petitions of Province and Thurton (as the name is spelt) are mentioned,

but the results are not recorded. * An error for 4 William Phipps *.

HISTORY OF THE WARS

or had such real Respect paid them. He left the Island of
Bombay in January 1 1721-2, and embarked oh board the
London , Capt. Upton ; and had with him the Greenwich in
company, Capt. Barnes. Tho’ this honourable Gentleman was
defeated in most of his Undertakings against Angria , with no
small Trouble and Concern to himself, he left the Island in
a good Posture of Defence both by Sea and Land : He found
the same unguarded, and very* poor* but left it flourishing in
Trade, and many Merchants were come from Madrass and
Bengali to settle there. After his Honour was attended to the
Water-side by most of the Inhabitants, he took his Leave, and
returned them his hearty Thanks for the Sincerity of their
Friendship and Subjection during his Government. When the
London* was under Sail, and the other Governor taking his Leave,
he delivered up the Keys, and the Charge of the Island, with all
the proper Writings in a large Box. At his Honour’s embarking,
the Guns fired all round the Fort, as did the Shipping and
Naval Forces of the Island, except the Men of War.

AS soon as Commodore Matthews had got on his Voyage for
Surat 9 having the Shoreham and Exeter in his company, off
of the High-land of St. John' s, he made a Signal for Sir Robert
Johnson to come on board of him ; when he ordered him to
proceed down to Goa y and there purchase Arrack for the Use
of the Squadron, and at his Peril not to put into Bombay or
elsewhere till he arrived at Goa ; also not to discharge Man
or Officer on any account whatever. Sir Robert parted company
% with the aforesaid Orders ; but off the High-land of Bassean ,
he met with the Chandois coming down from Surat, with whom
he join’d company and came to Boihbay , where he went on
shore, and discharg’d his eldest Son, who was his Second
Lieutenant, and jnade the Gentleman who was his Third his
Second ; and his youngest Son, 2 who was Midshipman on
board, he made Third Lieutenant. He then proceeded down
for Goa, and there took in Arrack sufficient for his own&hip’s
Company, but concerned himself with no more. From thence
he proceeded to Tillichenry, where the Commodore came up
with him, and stop’d his further Proceedings. The Commodore

1 The actual date was 9 January. The Greenwich sailed the next day.

8 Robert Johnson.

WITH ANGRIA THE PYRATE, ETC. 59

insisted, that either he and his youngest Son should quit their
Commissions 5 voluntarily, or else the Matter should be decided
by a Court Martial, which probably would have broke them for
not complying with Orders. Upon this, Sir Robert quitted his
Post, 1 and the Commodore made his own Captain-Lieutenant 2
Captain of the Exeter in the room of Sir Robert. The
Chandois being in the Road, he with his two Sons came for
EnglOn^ in her ; tho’ at the Ctfpe, Sir Robert and the Captain
of -the Chandois disagreeing, he, with his Sons, went on board
the Addison , which, with the Nightingale and Chandois were
cast away, and Sir Robert and his two Sons were drown’d. 3

I shall now give an Account of Commodore Matthews's Voyage
from Bombay round the Island of Madagascar* in quest of
Capt. England and Capt. Taylor the Pyrates. I was oi? board
the Salisbury , Pilot and Interpreter for Capt. Cockbum , and
was Interpreter for the Squadron with the Viceroy of Goa ,
in order to procure a Vessel to have stopt Sir Robert at Goa,
but he was gone before we came there. In February 1721-2
we left the Coast of Malabar , and took our Departure from
Cape Commeron in the Latitude of 7 Deg. 10. M. Northerly,
and shaped our Course for the Island of Moroslas , 4 but made

1 On 12 February 1722. * Samuel Braithwait.

3 These three vessels were wrecked at the Cape of Good Hope in Juno

1722 (see note on p. 46).

4 Mauritius. From p. 84 we learn that they anchored in Carpenter’s
Bay (evidently so-called from the tomb hero mentioned). A document
abstracted in The English Factories in India , 1642-5 (p. 153), informs ,
us that this inlet was termed by the Butch Pieter Both’s Bay ; and the
map of Mauritius given in Valentijn’s Oud en Nieuw Oostdndien , vol. v,
enables us to identify it with the modem Grand Port, on the south-
eastern side of the island. The origin of the old English name does not
appear to be known. I con j ecture that it commemorates Bavid Carpenter,
master of the Samaritan . That vessel left Bantam for England in April
1615, and was wrecked on the coast of Madagascar. It is not known
whether she called at Mauritius, and buried her captain there ; but this
seems highly probable.

The Bombay letter to the Company of 29 January 1723 says that at
Mauritius the squadron * found two French ships that were come to
settle the place and had brought the King of France’s pardon {pr all
pyrates; some of whom had accepted thereof and were come in.’
The log of the master of the Salisbury (P. R. 0., no. 294) shows that these
ships were found at North-West Harbour (now Port Louis), to which the

60

HISTORY OF THE WARS

no Stay there ; tho’ we here found writ on Capt. Carpenter* s
Tomb with a Piece of Charcoal, We were here in the Cassandra
and Victory, expecting your Coming ; we left this Place on the
28 th of February, and are now on our Voyage for Port Dolphin,
on the Island of Madagascar. However we proceeded from
Moroslas to Domascaicas, 1 where some of our People disposed
of several Casks of Arrack, and Madera Wine, &c. for very
good Profit. We made no long Stay, but weighed fron^thence
about the middle of March , and beat away against the South-
west Monsoons, in order to reach Port Dolphin : But the Winter
was coming on so fast, and the Seas so very short withal, that
it was impossible for us to keep up our sides to Windward :
So that we then bore away for the Island of St. Mary , and
came t© anchor at Chamock-Point 2 on the island of Madagascar ,
about three Leagues distant from St. Mary. The Commodore
sent the Salisbury, and his Second Lieutenant, with his six-
oar’d Boat, up to the Island, to make Discoveries ; where we
found the Wrecks of several Ships which the Pyrates had
demolished, with their Cargo’s of China Ware, rich Drugs, and
all sorts of Spices, lying in great heaps on the Beach of the said
Island : there were also several Guns. 3 So soon as the Commo-
dore was informed by his Lieutenant what great Quantities of
Merchants Goods lay on the said Island, he made a Signal for
us to weigh, and come down to them at Chamock Point ;
which so soon as we did, he, with the Exeter, went up to
St. Mary's, where the Commodore directed the Guns to be
t weighed, and took such Commodities as were least damaged.
While we were watering of the Salisbury, a white Man came

o

English vessels first repaired (28 March 1722). Mathews, however,
took th© squadron round at once to Carpenter’s Bay, where it remained
until 4 April. t .

1 Reunion (see p. 46). The squadron stayed there from 9 to 11 April.

* Larree or Lar6e Point, on the mainland, opposite to St. Mary’s
Island. The logs of the squadron call it variously Charock and Chamock.
The origin of the name is not known.

* Capt. Reddish says that on 21 April they anchored in 1 Cockey Bay
and ‘ found it had been a place of resort for the pyrates for many years. . . .
Only two shipB length within the first island, which is called Pyrates
Town ^Island ?], where thare is four wrecks lies sunck, being furst burnt
down to the lower decks. . . . Upon Pyrates Island abundance of houses,
all raised upon wood two foot from the ground.'

WITH ANGRIA THE PYRATE, ETC, 01

down, who said his Name was James Plantain ; that he was
bom on the island of Jamaica , at Chocolate-Hole, and that he
had been a pyrating, but had now left off, and had settled at
a Place about six or seven Miles higher up, called Ranter-Bay , l
where he had fortified himself, and was called by the Natives,
King of Ranter-Bay ; and provided the Commodore thought
proper, he would supply the Squadron with Cattle. Capt.
Cock&vqn having an Account Of this Pyrate’s coming down,
went himself in order to bring him off ; but finding that he
had a number ot armed Men in the Wood, he did not think
proper to attempt it ; but sent an Account of this by the
Exeter's Boat (which had been ordered to cut a small Tree to
make a flying Gibb-boom of) to the Commodoro ; who came
down directly. Plantain having given several of Cap*. Cock-
bum's petty Officers an Invitation to his Castle, the Captain
in hopes of having farther Intelligence where the Pyrates
were, let them go ; who brought an Account of the great
Riches the said Plantain was possessed of, and how he was
homaged by the Natives, and called King of Ranter-Bay, had a
large Number of Slaves under him ; and that there was also one
James Adair a Scotsman, and a Dane, who were fortified there
as well as he, and that they lived a very profane and debauch’d
Life, indulging themselves in all manner of Wickedness. 2
After this we sold them several Hogsheads and Puncheons
of Arrack, and Hampers of Wine, for which they paid a very
large Price, in Diamonds, and Gold Pieces of about 10s. each.
We had several Cattle sent down for the Benefit of the Squad- f
ron ; and Plantain himself came down and delivered his
Goods and Money to one Basset , 3 a Midshipman in the Salisbury,

1 Presumably this was Antongil Bay, or some part of it.

a Capt. Reddish says that one ex -pirate (evidently Plantain) came
down on 23 April, and two others four days later, the mate of the
Salisbury and a midshipman (probably Bassett) having gone up to their
settlement as hostages. This settlement was twenty miles up the
country. He mentions the three leaders as an Englishman, Scotsman,
and Dane, ‘ all well fortified, and has abundance of riches. All of em
owns that they ware at the takeing the rich Moor ship (wherein is said
to be 13 lacks of rupees) and the gieat Portegueze ship, and designe for
over to leave off those vile practices.*

3 Henry Bassett, an able seaman of the Salisbury, who was made first
a quartermaster and then a midshipman on board the Exeter .

64

HISTORY OF THE WARS

quit their Possession ; and left the way open for the Inhabi-
tants of the Main to come down with all manner <k Provisions,
without being imposed on by the Portuguese. 1 Governor Pitts
also sent Mr. Bendall again to the General of the North, who
still insisted on the Articles sign’d by Secretary Cooke in the
Year 1687 ; 2 but at last they gave up this Point once more.

SOON after we obtained this Advantage, we had an Account
brought from Worleigh , 8 that Angricf s Grabs, with severer! Sail
of Galleywats, were cruising off the Back of the Island *of
Bombay ; whereupon we manned the Victory with Men out
of the Ships of War, and Capt. Lawson commanded her. We
went out, and soon fell in with them ; they engaged us four
.Hours and & half, and a Dutch Man on board one of their
Grabs, •frequently called to us in English , and bid us strike, for

1 The cause of the quarrel was tfco long-standing dispute over the
right of the English to levy tolls on Portuguese vessels using the harbour.
The Portuguese commenced active hostilities, raiding Bombay island
and doing considerable damage ; while the English were not strong
enough to retaliate until the arrival of the Salisbury. Then, ‘ Capt.
Cockbume having on the Presidents request . . . supply’d us with two
of his ships boates and seventy-six men, they embarked yesterday
evening in eleven of our gallevats and two pinnaces, under the command
of Major Jonathan Stanton, and sail’d towards Maul, in order to destroy
the Portugueze boates which interrupt our navigation. But thro
neglect or ill conduct they did not proceed so early as was intended, ami
thereby loosing the time of the tyde, the attempt proved fruitless. And
that night being tempestious, and continuing the day after, nothing
cou’d be further attempted at that time ’ ( Bombay Consultations ,
c 7 September 1722).

Downing exaggerates the success of the expedition, and he is wrong
in saying that Sewri, which was an English fort, was bombarded. Pro-
bably he meant to say * Maul *, i. e. Mahul, on the southernmost point
of the island of Salsette abutting on Bombay harbour.

From the Bombay Consultations (14 September) we also learn that
Major Stanton of his own accord had promised Cockbum’s men ten
(not forty) rupees apiece to go on this service. As ho had acted without
authority, the Council were at first disposed to refuse to reimburse him ;
but finally it was decided to allow him 600 rupees,. leaving him to pay
the rest.

Mathews, who affected neutrality in the dispute with the Portuguese,
severely censured Cockbum for lending his men, and suspended him for
a time from his command.

fl See note on p. 34.

• Worli, or Warli, on the north-eastern side of Bombay Island.

WITH ANGRIA THE PYRATE, ETC. 65

that they never would. However, we soon cut him off, and
the Grab stJuck, and we brought her into Bombay as a free
Prize ; this was the first time wc had taken any thing belonging
to Angria. 1 In the mean time, the Court of Directors had built
three fine Galleys at Deptford and Blackmail Yards ; 2 we had
an account of their Arrival at Madrass with the Treasure
belonging to the Nightingale . As they wqrc coming up the
Coast*, .^hey met with thrdle Safl of Portuguese Grabs, who off
oi^Goa presumed to assault them. They soon took one of them ,
and brought her as a Prize to Bombay : 3 The taking of this
Grab has kept the Portuguese in toletable good order, tlio’
every now and then they have made some little Disturbances.

THE Commodore arrived soon after this at Bengal , and took
in a Freight of Sugar, and then came up to Surat. Ife then
ordered the Captains of the Exeter and Salislfury to exchange, 4
and sent the Exeter for England , and he and the Salisbury

1 ‘ On notice of Angria’ s fleet of four grabs and several guile vutts,
that they were cruizing to the northward, between this and the high
land of St. John’s, we dispatch’d the Victoria and Jievewjc the 5th of
November in quest of them ; and with that success that they return’d
the 10th and brought in the admiral grab, his chief subadarr, and ninety
other prisoners of his best people. When the Victoria came up with
them, three made little resistance but endeavour’d to save themselves,
leaving this engag’d, who defended herself for some hours pretty
resolutely; but night coming on, they desisted on both sides, our
grabs keeping close by her untill the morning, when she struck, on our
peoplo promising them quarter.’ ( Bombay letter to the Company ,
29 January 1 723. ) The commander on the occasion was Thomas Lawson .
The journal of the master of the Salisbury says that ten of her sailors
and a midshipman were lent to the Victoria for the expedition. This
accounts for Downing’s preserve at the engagement.

* The Bombay , Bengal , and Fort St. George galleys.

3 ‘ In their passage from Madrass and from Cape Ramus . . . the galleys
obsefv’d they had been dogg’d two days by two grabs ; and, to prevent
any surprize from them, the commanders agreed to stand towards them
to make what they wore ; which on their doing, and firing as usual
athwart their forefoot, they declar’d themselves Portugucze and im-
mediatly gave the galleys their broadsides, killing three of our peoplo
at the guns ; which brought on an engagement, in which our people
became masters of them in an hour’s time and brought them in here
where they remain untill we shall receive the Viceroy’s resolutions
towards an accommodation, to whom the President has wrote an
account of the action.’ ( Bombay to the Company , 29 January 1723.)

4 Capts. Cockburn and Braithwait changed places on 9 November 1722

66

HISTORY OF THE WARS

continued in the Country. He took on board at Madrass 1 the
Widow of Mr. William Gifford , who was cut oil* at Anjango ,
and brought her to England with him, and arrived in the Downs
ort July 1724.

SINCE that time, we have never attempted to make any
Attacks upon Angria? s Dominions, but endeavoured to break
his Naval Strength, tho’ with very ill Success : For he has
at several times done us Mischief 1 and taken our Sapping.
This is attributed to the Assistance he has had from several
Dutch Deserters who have got into his Service. In the Year
1728, he took the Bombay -Galley? and re-took the Grab taken
from him by Capt. Lawson, assisted by Men from the Ships
of War. In the Year 1730, he attack’d the Ockham, Capt.
Jobsorf, who made a gallant Defence ; and the Hon. Mr. Cowing
being then President of Bombay, he gave every Man on board
the Ship two Months Pay gratis, and at their Arrival in England
the Court of Directors gave each of them two Months Pay more,
and the Owners of the Ockham gave each Man a Month’s Pay
more, as an Encouragement for their good Behaviour. 3
Angria and his Son continue still so troublesome, that it is
difficult for the Merchant Ships to pass and repass : but his
Success, ’tis said, is chiefly owing to the Assistance of the
Portuguese, who supply him with all sorts of Ammunition,
Gunners, efcc.

I shall now give an Account’ of the taking of the Derby,

•

1 This should bo ‘ Calcutta \

a /This appears to bo a muddled account of an action that took place
on 25 November 1730 between Angria’s jieet on the one hand and the
Bengal and Bombay galleys on the other. A shot ignited some powder
on board tho Bengal, with the result that her quarterdeck was blown up,
and tho vessel was then carried by boarding, in spite of a brave resistance.
The Bombay escaped. (See letter from Bombay of 22 January 1731, and
tho tenth report of the Hist. MSS. Commission, p. 155.)

* Tho date is wrong, as is shown by the following extract from a
Bombay letter to the Company dated 22 January 1732 : ‘ The 13th inst.
imported the Ockham etc. from Bengali. They were attacked by Angria’s
grabs and gallivats, which did the Ockham considerable damage ; but
one „of them being disabled, they were obliged to retire.* ( Bombay
Abstracts, vol. la, p. 398.) From a later letter (ibid., p. 401) we learn
that it was the captain (William Jobson) who gave his men two months’
pay to encourage them to defend the vessel.

WITH ANGRIA THE PYRATE, ETC. (>7

Capt. Anselm , at his Arrival on the Coast of India . In May
1735, they lJft England , bound for Bombay , having on board
a large Number of Passengers. Amongst these were several
English Ladies and their Maids, in order to promote their
Fortunes ; there were also the Governor of Tillicherry's Sister, 1
and several other Ladies going to their Husbands. They
arrived on the Coast in December last, and off the High Land
of Gerey, they fell in with five Sail of Angria's Grabs, and
several Galleywats, who most furiously attack’d them. The
Derby's Crew stood most gallantly by the Ship, and Captain ;
and tho’ a great Number of them were killed, the Remainder
held out till they were quite over-powcr’d. During the time
of the Engagement, they shot away all the Derby's Shrouds ;
so that having no Security for their Masts, they roll’d them all
away, which did them great Damage ; and in this deplorable
Condition they became a Prey to Angria y who was seen to tow
them into Gerey . 2 It being calm, none could go to their
Assistance. We since hear, that the Boatswain and several
of the Men have made their Escape, and come to Bombay .
’Tis not to be doubted but the Hon. Company will use all
proper means, that a Naval Force may be sent there once
more, to endeavour to suppress the said Pyrate, and retaliate
the Injuries they have received. Amongst the Passengers
taken in the Derby , was Capt. Slaughter , 3 late of the Island of
St. Helena , with whom I was formerly acquainted when he
officiated as Town-Marshal on the said Island, but for his good
Behaviour, the Company had promoted him to that Place of
Honour his Lady was also with him.

AFTER the Exeter and* Salisbury were sailed for England ,
I came home in the King George , Capt. John Houghton : and

1 Sarah Law, sister of Stephen Law.

3 See the Bombay Consultations of 8, 15, and 21 January 1730. The
date of tho engagement was 26 December 1735. Of the survivors 115
were taken to Suvarndrug, whence Capt. Abraham Anselm wrote to
Bombay to announce the loss of his vessel. The prisoners wero released
in the following November. An account of the engagement will be found
in the B<mbay Gazetteer , vol. xxvi, pt. i, p. 172.

3 Sergeant, and then Ensign, William Slaughter appears in St. Helena
lists of July 1723 and March 1724. On a later page he is called Capt.
Sclator.

68

HISTORY OF THE WARS, ETC,

have, had all the latter Account from the time of Captain
Jobson's being engaged by the said Pyrate, frofn very good
Authority ; as Mates of Ships in the Company’s Service, &c.
If the East-India Company shall think proper to send a further
Supply for the Safe-guard of their coasting Trade in those
Parts, I shall offer my Service to go, and use my utmost
Endeavours for their Interest ; they being worthy to be
served above all the Merchants in Great Britain , for yjff’Care
they take of those who receive Damage, and also of the Widows
of those who are killed in their Service. Pray God give them
Success for the future, that by the Conduct of some worthy
Gentlemen, they may be able to suppress this troublesome
Pyrate Angria and his Adherents. This is the hearty Prayer of,

Their Honours most Obedient ,
and Humble Servant ,

Cl. Downing.

A Particular

ACCOUNT

Of all the

TRANSACTIONS

In the Voyage of

Commodore Matthews

To the

EAST - INDIES;

With the Lyon , Salisbury, Exeter, and Shoreham :
Sent thither tQ suppress the Pyrates.

To the R’E'ADER,

I Humbly hope that the Care I have taken in giving the World
a particular Account of the Affairs which happened in our Voyage
(it being the plain Truth in all respects) will be the more esteemed
for the* Sincerity of the same ; I being partly an Eye-witness to
all that passed , find in some Passages Interpreter for those
Gentlemen the Commodore thought proper to send as Commissaries
to the Viceroy of Goa .

THE Dispute between the Commodore and Sir Robert Johnson
is worthy Remark , which I have related with the utmost Fidelity
on both Sides , and leave the World to judge who in this Point icas
most to blame .

AS to the Tryal of Sir Robert’s Purser , it was decided by the
Commodore with great Justice and Equity ; and likewise the
Tryal and Condemnation of Mr. Sutherland, for the Murder
of Mr. Dalrymple.

THESE and many other Particulars have not been made
publick by any Author as yet ; which I hope will be much to the
Reader's Satisfaction.

A Particular

ACCOUNT

Of the

TRANSACTIONS

In the Voyage of

Commodore Matthews.

ON the Gth Day of February 1720 1, Commodore Matthews
on board the Lyon, with the following Ships and Captains
under his Command, sailed from Spithead on a Voyage to
Bombay in India , in order to suppress the Pyrates who were
then in those Parts, and had taken the Cassandra , CapL
Mackray Commander, belonging the lion. East- India Com-
pany, d'C .

Ships. Captains and Officers.

Thomas Matthews , Esq; Commodore.

Lyon, 50 Guns, Capt. Reddish

240 Men. Lieut. Braithxmit, 1st Lieut.

Pilot for the Company, Lieut. Caldicut, 2d.

Mr. Wallace. Lieut. Walker , 3d.

Salisbury , 40 Guns, Capt. John Cockburn , Second Corn-

200 Men. mander.

Lieut. Elliot, 1st Lieut.

No Pilot on board. Lieut. Stepney , 2d.

Lieut. Wood, 3d.

72

TRANSACTIONS OF A SQUADRON
Ships. Captains and Officers.

Exeter , 50 Guns, Sir Robert Johnson , Capt.

240 Men. Lieut. Wheatly , 1st Lieut.

Pilot for the Company, Lieut. Johnson , 2d.

Mr. Micham . Lieut. Coofc, 3d.

Shoreham , 20 Guns, Capt. Coveil Maine.

120 Men. • Liept. Crawford.

No Pilot on board.

WE had also with us, the Grantham , Capt. Field , belonging
to the Company, which was ordered as a Store-Ship for us.

AT Eight in the Morning the Commodore made the Signal
for unmooring, which we did ; and then directly to weigh and
get under Sail with all possible speed. The Shoreham by some
Accident had damaged her Main-mast, and was obliged to put
into Portsmouth Harbour, to get another Main-mast.

WE in the Salisbury , with the Lyon , Exeter , and Grantham ,
proceeded to Sea, tho’ with a very indifferent Wind, it being
about N. by W. and blowing very fresh ; we kept the Sea, and
beat down the Channel, but had very hard Gales of Wind.
The next Day after wc sailed, about four in the Afternoon, by
a very hard Squall of Wind the Commodore sprung his main
Yard ; but notwithstanding this Accident, he would not put
into any Harbour, but brought to that Night under our lower
Sails, till he had fished or mended his Yard again, and in the
Morning made sail down the Channel, as near our Course as
possibly he could lay the same ; the Weather being very bad
with much Snow, Sleet and a hard Gale of Wind, sometimes
at W. S. W. and Northward, to the*N. W. blowing hard with
a mountainous Sea.

ON the 9th Iqstant, about four in the Afternoon it cleared
up, and we saw the Land on our Star-board Quarter, which
proved to be the Start-Point ; from which we were obliged to
take our Departure, the Weather proving very bad again.
The Wind some small matter favouring us, we got clear out
of the Channel, and in the Bay of Biscay we had a very hard
Storm of Wind. Here we lay to, under our Main-sail for three
or four Days, and in this Distress we lost company of the
Exeter , which we feared had foundered, but by God’s Mercy

SENT TO SUPPRESS THE PYRATES

73

was preserved. On or about two Days after, the Weather
being something moderate, and the Wind pretty favourable,
the Exeter join’d company again ; and the next Day the
Shorekam join’s us in the Latitude of 30 Deg. and some Odd
Miles ; we then computing ourselves to be on or near the
Burling - 1 That Night, which was the 20th of February , we
had, about Seven in the Evening, a hard Gale of Wind, which
lasted ^18 Hours, with irftich Thunder, Lightning, and Rain.
On the 21st in the Morning, about four o’clock, by the violence
of the Storm, we sprung our Main-mast about six Foot above
the Step in the Well, which put us all in great Surprize. The
Exeter also lost company with us again. As the Day-light
came on, we made the Signal of Distress, and none of us at
that time expected to see Land again ; but God Almighty
most miraculously brought us safe to Lisbon Harbour after
we had sprung our Mast in so dangerous a Place, that if it
had intirely gone away, it must have carried the whole Side
of the Ship with it.

THE Commodore seeing our Signal of Distress, bore down
to us ; and hearing what Condition we were in, ordered us to
bear away for Lisbon , to get another Mast, and to bring a
Main-yard for him, which accordingly we did. About one in
the Afternoon, we made the Land, which was much nearer
to us than what we computed it to be. The same Night we
got into Cascais 2 Bay, ancf came to an Anchor ; and the
Weather proving fair, we got out our Long-boat, and cleared
our Ship as much as possible. In the Morning a Pilot came on,
board, to carry us into the Harbour. We weighed directly
with a small Gale of Wind at West, which did not continue
long, but was succeeded by a hard Gale and thick Fog, so that
with great Difficulty we got into the Harbour that Night,
which was the 23d of February . The Night after we were
moor’d in the Harbour, we had such a violent Storm of Wind
and Hail, that it being my Watch on the Deck, I was obliged
to call the Hands up to strike our Yards and Topmast ; but
the Men that went up to the Tops to strike our Topmast, were

1 The Burlings or Berlengas are a group of small islands off the*coast
of Portugal, in lat. 39° 25' N.

1 Casoaes, about ten miles west of Lisbon.

74

TRANSACTIONS OF A SQUADRON

obliged to get underneath our Tops for Shelter, the Hail being
so very violent, and of such a Bigness, that no Person was able
to stand the same. Mr. Robert Cheater , our Carpenter, put his
Hdnd out of his Cabin and took up one of the Hail-stones,
which he affirmed was one Inch and a half in Diameter. This
Squall held a quarter of an Hour, and the next Day we em-
ployed our People to unrig our Main-mast, whilst our Captain
went on shore to the Store-keepers fn order for another 'frhich
we had given us. In searching the Mast, we found the safne
to be damaged in three Places ; we then thought proper to
inspect the Fore-mast, which we also found to be sprung in
two Places ; so that we were obliged to have a new Fore-mast
also. *

THE next Morning we saw a large Ship coming into the
Harbour, which proved to be the Exeter , Sir Robert Johnson
Commander, who by the same Distress of Weather, had sprung
his Foremast and Boltsprit, and was obliged to put in for
a Recruit of Masts and other Refreshments. A short time
after, Commodore Stuart in the Dover came in with two other
Ships in his Company ; he was on a Voyage for the Redemption
of the Captives in Algier. Our third Lieutenant being of
a sickly disposition, quitted us by consent of Commodore
Stuart , we being under his Command during our Stay there.
Mr. William Berkeley, Nephew to my Lord Berkeley, was made
our third Lieutenant. He came from on board the Exeter,
and was a gallant and* brave young Man, tho’ not much
, acquainted with our Sea-Methods, but made a very good
Officer, and much exceeded his Predecessor in Goodness to the
Men ; which good Behaviour made him well beloved. Mr.
Berkeley , in consideration of Mr. Wood's ill State of Health
and of his being poor, very generously made him a Present of
80 Moidores to bear his Charges home.

HERE we had another of our petty Officers shameMly
discharged, and sent home, one Joseph Windham, a Midship-
man ; who on shore at Bellisle in Lisbon Harbour, in the Hear-
ing of Sir Robert Johnson and our Captain, was drinking of
treasonable Healths : And when he was surpriz'd with the
Sight of Sir Robert and the Captain, he drew his Sword and
jump'd out of a Window, and run away, crying, King James

SENT TO SUPPRESS THE PYRATES 75

for ever ! But by the Assistance of the Boat's Crew, he was
soon brought back again, sent on board as a Prisoner, and
confin'd in the Gun-Room. A Day or two after he was carried
before Commodore Stuart 9 who enquired into the Circumstances
of the Affair. He pleaded he was in Liquor ; so on account
of his having great Friends, the Commodore ordered his
Discharge to be made out, as a disaffected Person to the
Government, and sent hftn foi* England in a small Merchant
Ship, which carried home Lieutenant Wood . Sir Robert
indeed, mightily insisted on a Court Martial, and to have had
him punished, according to the utmost Severity of Law.

IT was on or near the twentieth of March e’er we had our
new Mast fix’d and rigg’d, and got in a good sailing Posture
again ; and having taken on board a new Supply ftf fresh
Water, Wine, and such like, we made a Signal to prepare for
sailing ; which we did on the 21st Instant, 1 having only the
Exeter in company with us. By the favour of a prosperous
Gale, we soon arrived at Madera , where the Commodore had
been, with the Slioreham and Grantham in his company, and
had left Orders for us to proceed after him to the Island of
St. Jago , which is one of the Cape de Verd Islands.

IN a short time we took on board our Wine and Water,
and about the 6th of April we sailed, having the Monmouth
East-Indiaman in company with us a small time while we lay
at Madera , who sailed thence a Day before us. While we lay
there, one Abraham Worth run away from us. In four or five
Days after, by a pleasant Gale of Wind we arrived at St. Jago *
and there heard that the Commodore was gone for the Cape of
Good Hope. We staid here but 48 Hours, to refresh the Ship's
Company with such Provisions as the Place afforded ; which
were Fowls, Coconuts, Plantanes, Bananas, Rine- Apples, Hogs,
and some Goats ; which the Natives barter for any sort of old

1 A comparison with the log of the master of the Salisbury, William
Teague, shows that Downing's memory was at fault in regard to dates.
The Salisbury left Lisbon on 19 March ; reached Madeira on 31 March ;
sailed 7 April ; anchored at Santiago (Cape Verd Islands) on 16 and left *
on 19 April ; saw the Cape 23 June ; anchored in Table Bay thg next
day ; sailed again 8 July ; reached St. Augustine's Bay 3 August and
Johanna on the 21st ; left on 26 August, and sighted the coast of India
on 23 September. Bombay was reached on 29 September.

76

TRANSACTIONS OF A SQUADRON

Clothes. Here we went a Fishing for the further Refreshment
of the Ship’s Company ; and haled our Line, and in three
Draughts, inclosed as much Fish as our six-oar’d Boat could
caity on board at three times ; which was a great Refreshment
to us. Amongst these Fish, we found three very large Turtle,
one of which was of an uncommon Size, weighing at least
400 Pound, which # was looked upon, by those who had been
in the West-Indies , where man£ of them are caught, tcvb£ one
of the largest that ever was taken. ( *

ON the 16th of April , we sailed from St. Jago toward the
Cape of Good Hope . When we came to Sea, the Exeter sailing
something better than we, Sir Robert Johnson came up along
our Side, and desired Capt. Cockburn to let him make the best
of his Way for the Cape , in hopes there to have join’d company
again with the Commodore, and to have given him an account
of our coming with all speed, so to have made the Squadron up
there. But the Commodore was gone before Sir Robert got
there, and he made no long Stay after him, but proceeded for
Bombay ; so we saw no more of them till we came there. We
had a fine Passage to the Cape , arrived there on the 22d of May ,
and found the Grantham Store-ship, which had lost company
with the Commodore, and had missed joining the Exeter.
We staid here on or near a Week, and filled all our Water
Casks ; and on the 30th Instant we left the Cape, the Grantham
in company, and met with a great deal of bad Weather, in
beating about the Cape ,< it then being the heighth of their
f Winter.

IN the latter end of June we arrived at St. Augustinus Bay
on the South Part of the Island of Madagascar , where we had
an Account that the Commodore and Shoreham had been there,
and had left Letters for us. But the Pyrates coming in after
they sailed, compelled the Natives to deliver to them the
Letters the Commodore had left ; which they had read at their
Mast, as mentioned before.

THE Natives here are all Negroes, and were desirous to
' trade with us, making Signs to us to anchor before we went
into the Bay, which we found to be very rocky and foul
Ground, and uncertain Sounding. For on one Side we had
10 or 12 Fathom Water, and on the other could find no Ground

SENT TO SUPPRESS THE PYRATES

77

with 30 or 40 Fathom of Line. The Bay being so uncertain
in the Souiiding, and having no Person on board which had
ever been there, we put to Sea again ; but the Natives came
on board in such Numbers, that we had hardly room for them
in the Ship. There were Kings and Princes in familiar Con-
versation with the private Men on board, importuning them
by Signs, and what small English they could speak, to desire
the Captain to stay, telling us» they would* bring us good Cow
Jor eat , much Fat , and such like Expressions, with many a
G — d d — n ye, John, me love you, which they had learnt of
the Pyrates ; so that these Expressions may be a Terror to
every English Christian, to think that their Nation is distin-
guished by such wicked Execrations. ..

THE Captain did not care for staying, as we had none on
board to give any Account of the Place : p so we, with the
Grantham, made sail again ; and in coming out of the Bay, the
Canoos or small Boats which they came on board in, were so
numerous, that the Grantham run one of them down, and
brought the King and Prince to Sea with them. But not-
withstanding we were at Sea, having small light Winds, and
sailing along shore, our Captain made Mr. John Steele, the
Carpenter, (whom I mentioned before) build them a Boat, and
gave them Water and Brandy, with Provisions, and sent them
home again. The Year following, we heard that they got safe
home, and that they had h\mg the Boat up in the King’s
House, in token of the Goodness of tfie English : And it is to
be hoped, that Action may be a Means of procuring much #
Benefit for the English Ships that may put in there by Distress
of Weather, or for want etf Provisions.

THANKS be to God, our Ship’s Company continued in good
Health ; for as yet we had not lost one Man but about three
Days after we left St, Augustine's Bay, one of our Men fell
over-board, in the Dusk of the Evening. We directly got our
Boat out, and came so near him, as to find his Hat, but saw no
more of him. We proceeded with all the speed we could for
the Island of Johanna, sailing with a fine Trade-wind, and
running for some Days along shore, where we had regular
Soundings for almost three Days together, never altering from
16 Fathom above a quarter of a Fathom.

78

TRANSACTIONS OF A SQUADRON

ON the 25th of July we arrived at Johanna , where we got
Refreshments for our People ; it being a plentiful Island for
all sorts of Cattle, Fowls, Goats, and fine Fruits, of which you
may go ashore and gather what you please. Our Ship's Cook-
room was soon furnished with three or four Spits one above
another, from four in the Morning till eight at Night ; this
Refreshment put all our People into good heart again. We
tarried here about* nine or ten* Days, and sailed on the ihird
of August , having got Water, and Store of fresh Provisions,
which the Inhabitants truck for any manned of old Clothes,
Pepper, or the like Commodities.

WE proceeded from hence with all speed for our Station ;
which was to cruise off the High-land of St. John 1 on the
Coast of India , till the Commodore was pleased to order
us in. Rut in our Passage thither, our first Lieutenant,
Mr. James Elliot , sickned and died. 2 Our Captain preferred
the next Officer in course, Mr. John Stepney , to be our first
Lieutenant, Mr. William Berkeley our second, and his Son
Mr. William Cockburn to be our third ; tho’ after we came to
Bombay , the Commodore put another in his place. After
a fine Passage from Johanna , about the Beginning of October
we arriv’d on the Coast of India , and made the High-land of
Bassean , about 10 Leagues to the Northward of * Bombay,
where the Grantham took her Leave of us, and went into
Bombay , saluting us with 17 Gtins. We returned them 15,
which is the Custom foi; all King’s Ships to return two less
f than what any Merchant Ship fires. I was the only Man on
board acquainted with the Coast, which gain’d me piuch of
the Captain’s Favour, and in a manner the whole Charge of the
Ship was committed to me, in working up the Coast, and
piloting the Shi]) into Bombay, and several other Harbours,
of which I have the Captain’s Certificate ready to produce.
After the Grantham had left us, we stood off and on shore as
the Land and Sea Breezes would permit ; and on the 4th of
October we made the High-land of St. John's, saw a small Sail,

• gave Chace to her, and soon spoke with her. She proved to
be tlje Armell 3 Sloop belonging to the East-lndia Company,

1 San j an, about 90 miles north of Bombay.

* On 13 September.

* The Emilia.

SENT TO SUPPRESS THE PYRATES

79

which by the Commodore’s Order had been out twenty Days
looking for As ; and that Day her time was out, and she was
bearing away for Bombay ; where we arrived the next Day.

SO soon as our Anchor was gone, according to Custom, -we
saluted the Commodore with 19 Guns, and received 17, as is
usual, and our Captain went on shore to pay his Respects to
the Commodore, and in proper time told him he had made
his Soil a Lieutenant, but in a Day or two the Commodore
made Mr. James Smith our third Lieutenant ; who quickly
run raving madVith Pride and Ambition, and was sent for
England in the Greenwich , but died by the Way. At the Com-
modore’s Arrival there were some Disputes between him and
Governor Boone about the Salute, and in what manner he
should be received : But this being adjusted, after a short
time, and all things agreed between them, they began to
consult how to attack Angria with Success.

WE found the Lyon , Exeter, and Shoreham Men of War, and
the London , Greenwich , and Grantham , East-India Ships, lying
at Bombay , with the Company’s Fleet of Frigates, viz. the
Britannia , Victory , Revenge , Defiance , Fame-Galley, and
Hunter-Galley, with several Sail more. There had been a great
Dispute between Sir Robert Johnson and his Purser, which had
caused Sir Robert to confine him a Prisoner. And on the 7th
of October, 1 by Sir Robertas Application to the Commodore in
the way of Complaint, (the * Commodore having hoisted his
broad Pennant on board of the Salisbury, as his own Ship was
heaving down) the Signal was ordered for a Court Martial to,
be held,; Sir Robert having alledged high Crimes and Mis-
demeanours against his Purser, who was one Mr. Savage . The
Commodore sat as President, and his Secretary as Judge
Advocate, Capt. Cockburn first Captain, £apt. Main 2d,
Sir Robert Johnson 3d, Capt. Reddish 4th Captain, Lieutenant
Braithwaite Representative of the 5th Captain. When the Trial
came on, the Judge Advocate opened the Case ; which was,
that Mr. Savage Purser of the Exeter, then under Sir Robert's
Command, was a very drunken beastly Man, and that he
was come out of England without Money, or any other JCon-

Really the 9th. The sentence of the court was that the purser should
forfeit ten months’ pay. (Capt. Reddish’s log : P.R.O., no. 536.)

80

TRANSACTIONS OF A SQUADRON

veniencies for the Supply of the Ship’s Company ; and that he
had taken the Government’s Money, in order to 1 supply such
Necessaries as are proper for so long a Voyage ; but had not
supplied the Ship with any Tobacco, nor Slop Goods, as is
customary for Gentlemen in his Post. And further, that he
had converted the Money to his own Use. The Tryal lasted
near three Hours, when Sir Robert brought his Steward and
many other Officers to appear against him. But Mr., Savage
made it appear, that the Exeter being fitted out from Plymouth,
and he being sent down by Sir Charles Wager but a very short
time before the Ship left England ; he had not had time to
receive any Supply from the Government, and that he had
put himself £0 great Streights to buy common Necessaries,
which ihe Ship could not do without ; as Candles and Lan-
thorns, dbc. The ^Commodore several times desired Sir Robert
not to insist on breaking a Man that had a large Family, and
that it was his being poor, which was the Cause of those
Neglects, and being obliged to sail directly. Mr. Savage
declared on his Trial, that he brought but five Farthings out
of England with him, which indeed made so great an Impression
on the Gentlemen in general, that the Commodore and the
other Captains thought his Prosecution owing to Spite. And
making a strict Enquiry into his Store, it was proved that his
Steward had been a very great Rogue to him, for which he was
dismissed his Post ; and the Coinmodore was so considerate,
as to order his Secretary fo lend Mr. Savage 100 Z. to supply his
Occasions. Then the Court ended, with much Dissatisfaction
to Sir Robert , that he could not break him. .

NOW our gay Gentlemen, who« were come abroad for
Preferment, began to make use of their Interest for Places.
Lieutenant Walker being something indisposed, desired Leave
to return for England ; which the Commodore granted, and
Mr. Blakeway , l a Mate on board the Lyon , was made Lieutenant
of the Shoreham, and Lieutenant Crawford third Lieutenant on
board the Lyon. And on account of Mr. Smith's going mad,

1 From the pay book of the Lion (P.R.O., no. 303) it appears that
Jameft Blakcway joined on 15 November 1720 as a midshipman, but
ten days later was promoted to be master's mate. His transfer to the
Shoreham took place in October 1721.

SENT TO SUPPRESS THE PYRATES 81

Mr. Gideon Russel 1 was made Lieutenant on board of us in the
Salisbury ; which Captain Cockbum much resented, he only
having been the Commodore’s Cockswain the Voyage before :
Tho’ Mr. Russel was as good a Seaman as need to comefon
board a Ship, and has since made as good an Ollicer. Mr.
Blakeway so soon as he was appointed Lieutenant, made
Lieutenant Walker a Present of 100 Guineas to defray his
Charge^ home ; tho’ he cjftne tft England as fourth Mate of the
Greenwich , belonging to the East-India Company, and had
Wages for the same.

MR. Mitchel and Mr. .John Sutherland , Son of my Lord
Sutherland a Scots Peer, (both belonging to the Exeter) in their
Voyage to Bombay , having had some Bickerings ; the latter
made a Complaint against the former, on which Sir •Robert
turned Mr. Mitchel off from the Quarter-Deck. When they
came to Bombay , Mr. Mitchel desired his Discharge, which
Sir Robert granted : And being on shore, Mr. Mitchel demanded
Satisfaction, and Mr. Sutherland disabled him in his Sword
Arm. A short time after, a number of us being at Dinner, at
a. great Tavern on the Island, as is customary after Dinner the
Game of Hazard went round ; and it was agreed by the Com-
pany, how high or low they should set on each Main ; which
was not to be exceeded by any Person in company. However,
Mr. Sutherland being seated very near Mr. David Dalrymple,
they set each other above tlie Orders of the Board, and Mr.
Sutherland holding several Hands, took what Dalrymple had
set. At last he refused to answer the other’s Main, which so,
provok’d Mr. Dalrymple , that he told him. It was like his
bastardly Tricks . Sutherland forthwith left the Company and
went to his Lodging. Next Morning early he sent his Servant
with a Challenge to Mr. Dalrymple . The Gentleman was not
out of his Bed when the Boy brought the Note, for I lay in the
same Room with him ; but he directly got up, slipp’d on his
Clothes, and said nothing to any one ; took his Sword, and

1 There seems to be here a confusion between Gideon Bussell (stated
on p. 38 to have died from wounds in 1718) and John Russell, who joined
the Salisbury from the Exeter as second lieutenant, in exchange for
Lieut. Berkeley. This, however, seems to have taken place in January
1723, which is much lalcr than the date here assigned.

82

TRANSACTIONS OF A SQUADRON

out he went, no Person having a Suspicion of any Challenge
being sent. But in a short time his own Servant came running
in, and said Mr. Sutherland had killed his Master. We all
difcctly went out to the Back of the Wall at the North Gate,
where we found his Body lying on the Spot. The Serjeant
of the Guard, with a File of Musketeers had seized Mr. Suther-
land, and sent him Prisoner to the Fort at Bombay . He was
wounded in his left Breast bdtweeh two of his Ribs^artd his
Heart was prick’d, so that he died directly. Mr. Sutherland
was by the Commodore demanded from the Castle, and sent on
board the Exeter as a Prisoner, till a Court Martial was held in
his Ship, which was in great Hurry and Confusion in heaving
down ; so that his Trial was deferred for some time . 1 The
Soldicts and Troops in the mean while, were all making
Preparations for <he Siege of Allabeg.

A small time after, a Duel was fought by our first and
second Lieutenants, Mr. John Stepney , and Mr. William
Berkeley on a trifling Affair, about drinking a Lady’s Health.
It cost Mr. Stepney his Life, for he was wounded so deep in
the Belly, that he died of his Wounds about a Fortnight
afterward . 2 Mr. Berkeley was also wounded in several Places ;
but tho’ they were such intimate Friends all the Voyage before,
they never spoke to each other after. Mr. Stepney at his
Death freely forgave him. Here we lost as fine an Officer as
ever England bred, for Forecast, and good Behaviour to all
Men in general ; he was lamented from the Captain to the
meanest Man on board the Ship. There was no Trial on this
Affair, the Doctor affirming that he did not die of his .Wounds.
Then one Mr. Cook was made our ‘first Lieutenant, and Mr.
Berkeley still continued second ; Mr. Russel second on board
the Exeter , Mr. JBoucher third on board us, and Mr. Morgan
third on board the Exeter .

HAVING given an Account of the Siege of Allabeg in my
preceeding History of the Wars of Bombay, ’tis needless to
mention any thing of it here. I shall now relate the Proceed-
ings of the Court-Martial in Mr. Sutherland's Trial for the
Munder of Mr. David Dalrymple, Grandson to Sir David

1 The court martial on Sutherland was held on 15 November 1721

* Stepney died on 30 November 1721.

SENT TO SUPPRESS THE PYRATES

83

Dalrymple , *his Majesty’s Advocate for Scotland . Returning
from the Siege of Allabeg on the 27th of December , the Signal
was made on board the Commodore for the Court Martial,
which began about nine. o’Clock in the Morning, wfiere
Mr. John Sutherland , was indicted for the Murder of David
Dalrymple , Esq; by giving him a mortal Wound with a Sword
in his left Breast, and for sending the said David Dalrymple
a CKaHenge, contrary to the Articles of War and Customs of
tlfe Navy. He pleaded guilty and seem’d much concerned for
the unhappy Accident. The Court brought him in guilty of
the Murder, and he was ordered on board his own Ship, there
to be confined as a Prisoner till their Return to England , for
his Majesty’s signing of the Dead-Warrant. Bui as the Ship
touch’d at Barbadoes coming home, he there made his ftscape,
and tarried till his Pardon was sent from Eitgland .

Mr. Parker and Mr. Braddyll, 1 who had run to the Portuguese
for Refuge, were come under the Commodore’s Protection ;
whom he sent home in the Greenwich , in company with
Governor Boone in the London. There being a Proposal made
to the Captains at different times to agree to Articles of Trade,
(which were delivered to them in Writing) that provided they
would agree that a certain Officer 2 should have two Thirds
of what they got, he would send them on such Voyages as
were proper for their Benefit j These Gentlemen were no ways
willing to come under this Obligation, kept their Papers, and
would not sign them ; which very mftch inraged the Proposer,
who finding he could not help himself, began to resent it, so-
far as his Power could reach. The Hon. Govcrnour Charles
Boone had a Daughter, 3 to* whom Mr. John Johnson , Sir Roberta
eldest Son and his second Lieutenant, had made Proposals of
Marriage ; and the same had been approved of both by the
Governor and Sir Robert. The Governor desired that Mr.
Johnson might obtain his Discharge, and proceed for England
in the Chandois ; but the Commodore would not grant it, and

* 1 See the introduction. * Presumably Mathews.

• Boone was a widower at this time, and had had by his late* wife
only a son. He took home with him an Elizabeth Boone whom it is
difficult to place ; but she may have been a daughter of the Governor’s
brother Thomas, who was also one of the party.

G 2

84

TRANSACTIONS OF A SQUADRON

the more to prevent it, being bound for Surat, ^ Signal was
made for all Lieutenants, and the Shoreham and Exeter were
ordered to weigh with the Commodore, and we only to observe
all Motions except in mooring and weighing. When they were
at Sea off the High-land of St. John’s, the Commodore made
the Signal for Sir Robert to come on board, and then gave him
Order to proceed directly for Goa , and there to purchase Arrack
for the Use of the whole Squadron ; faith the other Particulars,
as mentioned before, in the History of the Indian War. c
ON the 30th of January 1721-2, we parted from Bombay for
Goa in search after Sir Robert Johnson Captain of the Exeter ,
leaving Capt. Maine in the Shoreham to be refitted, with order
to join us aghin at Madrass or Bengal . The Commodore had
appointed Capt. Braithwaitc to command the Exeter , in the
room of Sir Robert Johnson, whom he dismissed for not follow-
ing Orders ; 1 and in Tillicherry Road Capt. Braithwaite took
possession of the Exeter , and Sir Robert and his youngest Son
were put on shore. Sir Robert and his two Sons were afterwards
cast away in their Passage to England, as mentioned before.

IN February we left the Coast of Malabar, with the Lyon,
Salisbury, and Exeter in company. 2 The first Place we touch’d
at after we left Malabar, was at the Island of Moroslas, at
Carpenter's Bay, where we got great Plenty of Fish, Wood,
and Water. There is abundance^of fine Wood on that Island,
such as black and white Ebony, Brasil Wood, and several
sorts of other fine Woods. We had on board two Casks of
« English Beef, which stunk to such a degree, that our Captain
could not bear his Cabin. We complained of this, but did not
meet with any Relief ; which very much disheartned and
sour’d our Ship’s Crew : Why we were forced to eat such
Meat, was to us very strange, for at Madagascar we could buy
fine Bullocks for a Dollar a-head ; nay, I bought a fine Bullock
my self for a China Punch Bowl filled with Pepper, which I
had taken up on the Island of St. Mary . All the Wine that
was bought at Madrass , which continued good, was sold ; and
that which was turn’d to Vinegar, was sent on board of the

i.

1 The date of his dismissal was 12 February 1722.
a The notes on Downing’s earlier account of the cruise should be
consulted.

SENT TO SUPPRESS THE PYRATES

85

Exeter , Shoreham , and us, and the Ships Crews compelled to
drink the same, before any Arrack was allowed us.

IN the Head of this Harbour there is Capt. Carpenter' s
Tomb, where the Py rates had wrote with a Piece of Charcoal,
that they left that Place in the Beginning of January? and were
proceeding for Port Dolphin . This made us hurry with all
speed for that Port, in hopes to have met with them, it being
reported that they were Aill of Riches, which put Vigour and
Courage in the # Heart of every Man and Boy in the whole
Squadron. We sailed from Moroslas about the middle of
March , and came to Domascaicas , where the French inhabit,
who saluted the Commodore at his Arrival. We came to
St. Philip's Bay, 1 2 * where there is a fine large Town and a strong
Fort guarded by several Companies of Soldiers. Herein great
Quantity of Arrack was disposed of, and 90 Hogsheads were
taken out of us, and sent on shore.

AT this Island Provisions are plenty, but the Inhabitants
very poor. We lay here but two Days. There are fine Turkeys,
which when they are prepared for the Spit, weigh upwards of
40 Pound. They are very fat, and the Flesh of them fine and
good. We sail’d the third Day in the Morning, and shaped our
Course for Cape Amber? where we thought to beat about in
order for Port Dolphin . We had no Account of the Pyrates at
Domascaicas , they having heard nothing of them ever since
they had taken the Viceroy of Goa out of the Road. We
happened to be too late in the Year to reach Port Dolphin ,
for the Monsoons were now set in on the South-side the Island*
and therefore we were obliged to bear away, after having beat
the Sea about a Fortnight, and so run round to the Leeward
of Cape Amber , and came to St. Mary's Island, the Place Capt.
Avery 4 resorted to, and then fortified the sapie very strongly ;
tho’ it was much run to Ruin now, by reason of the Negroes
Neglect, and the Pyrates not regarding it as formerly.

ON the 18th of April 1722, we arrived at Charnock Point ,

1 On p. 60 the date is given as 28 February.

2 The log kept by the master of the Salisbury says St. Paul’s Bay,
which is on the north-west side of Reunion.

8 The northernmost point of Madagascar.

4 Henry Every, or Avery, the well-known pirate.

80

TRANSACTIONS OF A SQUADRON

where we by Order of the Commodore weighed, and went up
to St. Mary's Island ; he sending Lieutenant Crawford on
board of us, to see in what Condition the said Island was. We
anchored off the Island. On the 19th about Noon, the King
and Prince, and the King’s two Daughters came on board.
The King offered the Captain his two Daughters as a Present,
being what they used to offer amongst the Pyrates ; for they
thought we were all alike : But thoi the Captain refused/this
kind Offer, the Ladies were accepted of by some of our Officers,
who paid dear enough for the Honour ; for it 'cost one of them
his Life, and the other was well pepper’d. The King gave the
Captain and the lieutenants an Invitation to come on shore,
and at their Landing, the King made them swear by the Sea,
that they would be Friends to them, and not molest them ; and
for a further Confirmation, they compelled every one of them
to drink a Glass of Salt Water, mix’d with Gun-powder, in
token of Friendship ; it being a Ceremony they had learned
from the Pyrates. We had not staid here above three or four
Hours before we saw great Numbers of Canoos coming down
from the Northward, from a Place called Ranter -Bay. I
should have mention’d that before we came off the Coast of
Malabar , we met with the Dawson, Capt. Benson 1 Commander,
a Ship belonging to the East India Company, out of her we
took the fourth Mate, 1 2 there having been a very great Quarrel
between the Captain and him, dnd one Ensign Crichley , an
Officer belonging to the Qompany of Soldiers, who was going
up to settle at Bombay . Also the Commodore spoke with an
Ostend Ship belonging to the Emperor, out of which Jie took
Mr. Samuel Lake , and one Mr. Lee, who were Mates on board
the said Ship ; and at Madrass meeting of the King George
on her Voyage to r China , the Commodore put them both on

1 A mistake for ‘ Benfield ’ (Richard).

2 Christopher Lisle (see later). Benfield seems to have been a very
quarrelsome person, for he dismissed his second and third mates as well.
A complaint by the last-named called forth a rejoinder by the captain,

• who mentioned that at the time of the dispute Christopher Lisle was in
irons and Daniel Christie, a passenger (probably the Crichley of the
text), was drinking with him. Christie resented the interference and took
the captain by the collar, with the result that he too was put in irons.

( Bombay Consultations , 7 September 1722.)

SENT TO SUPPRESS THE PYRATES 87

board of her. 1 These Canoos were in hopes that we were some
of the Pyrates ; for they value them most as they sell them the
best Bargains. At a Distance they lay by, and look’d at us,
but did not care to venture on board ; tho’ we could distingifish
many white Men amongst them : So not liking us, they row’d
over to the Bay again. While we were taking a particular Survey
of the Island, we observ’d the Ruins of several brave Ships
which the Pyrates had destroyed there, with the chief Parts
oMheir Cargoes, all lying on the shore in a wasting condition ;
the Negroes not knowing the Value of any of these rich Com-
modities. I went on shores to take a Draught of the Island, and
brought off several Bags full of what I thought most valuable,
and made good Money of the same. The Commodore’s Lieu-
tenant being on board with us, and seeing what a confused
manner every thing lay in about the Island, returned that
afternoon down to the Commodore, and gave him an Account
of all things which were there, and what confused Order they
lay in. The Commodore the next Day made a Signal for us to
come down to Charnock Point, which accordingly wc did, and
the Commodore with the Exeter went up to St. Mary' s, where
the Ships Crews took what they thought proper. While our
Ship was watering at Charnock Point, I being on shore, met
with a white Man that lived at Ranter-Pay ; it something
surprized me when he first came down, he having in company
with him 20 Negroes well arihed. He asked many Questions
concerning our Ships, from whence, we came, &c. But at
last he let me understand, that lie well knew wc were the Men
of War who came in search of the Pyrates. I asked him who
he was ? He said his Name was James Plantain, and that he
was born at Chocolate-hole in the Island of Jamaica ; that there
were a great many of these People on the Jsland, and that
Capt. England had been there also ; that the Cassandra was
made a 40 Gun-Ship, and the great Ship they took from the
Portuguese mounted Seventy Guns ; and that they were sailed
for the Coast of Guinea , or the Spanish West-Indies , in order

1 The King George left Madras on 18 June 1722, while Mathews did not
reach that port until about the middle of the following month. * The
ledger of that vessel shows a John Lee and a Samuel Sykes (not Lake)
as joining the King George together on 2 April 1722 at Surat.

88

TRANSACTIONS OF A SQUADRON

to accept of the Spanish Act of Grace. Our si^-oar’d Boat
coming on shore at that time, I directly dispatched her to our
Captain, who with Lieutenant Cook came on shore in order to
have seized the said Plantain . But seeing him so well provided,
they durst not attempt it : However, the Captain and he had
a great deal of Discourse ; and according to an Invitation he
had given us, some of us went up into the Country, and sent
down several Head of Cattle, fahieft serv’d as fresh Provision
for the Ship’s Company. f 1

FROM Char nock-Point we proceeded for Cape Amber , and
Mannagore , where we lay a considerable time ; and the Exeter
was sent to Massaleage, where she run a-ground, but got off
again. Here ^ we took a few Negroes, which we afterwards sent
to Massembeach in the Exeter . From hence we proceeded for
Johanna, and the Commodore ordered the Exeter to go for
Massembeach. We were left lying off Johanna, and the
Commodore went to Madrass and Bengal, not very likely
Places to find the Pyrates. The Island of Johanna I have
mentioned before, but now lying here so long, we had the
Liberty of going on shore, to take our Pleasure, and gather
such Fruit as the Island afforded. As I was walking up and
down the Valley, where a fine Spring of Water issues out of
a Rock, having a young Lad with me, my Curiosity led me to
the Top of the Hill, where I observed a large Town well
peopled : But at sight of me, tlicy all run into their Houses.
They had been killing of a Bullock, but such Butchers sure
t were never heard of ; for they cut it all to Pieces, Hide, Hair
and all, and put it into earthen Vessels that were boiling over
a Fire. The very Guts after they had squeez’d out the Dung,
without ever washing the same, they cut in pieces and broiled.
The same Day I took a Walk to the King’s Town, about three
Miles from where our Ship lay : Here were some few Stone
Houses, but laid together in an odd sort of a way. They were
building a large Vessel to go to Mocha, which they sew’d
together artificially, and made firm Work ; they generally
sail well. When we were here the Year before, one Davis
a Sailor run away from us ; and looking about in a small
Mosque they had there, being all Mahometans, I saw Francis
Davis wrote with a Piece of Coal against the white Wall ; and

SENT TO SUPPRESS THE PYRATES

80

then cnquiripg after him, they told me he was gone for Mocha
in one of their Vessels. 1

ABOUT three Weeks after the Commodore left us, the
Exeter came in to Johanna , we being under Order to stay thfcre
for her ; she had been at Massembeach to purchase a great
quantity of Cowries. We were then ordered to cruise off the
Straits of Babelmondon till the 25th of August ; but our Captain
being Commodore, and Consulting what was best for the
People’s Healthy did not care how long we lay here, well
knowing it would be very hard to keep the Sea so many Months.
We tarried here till the latter End of July , and then we cruised
off and on shore till we came to Allatabenney Bay, 2 where we
joined the Dawson and Fame-Galley bound for Bombay , which
were the Ships we were looking out for. When we arrived at
Bombay , we had an Account of the Wars between the Portu-
guese and the English ; and we assisted our Countrymen by
the Commodore’s Orders. We all thought ourselves happy in
having a good Commander ; but the Commodore now order’d,
by a Packet over-land from Bengal to Bombay , the Captain
of the Exeter to come on board the Salisbury , and that Capt.
Cockburn should go on board the Exeter. When Capt. Braith-
waite came on board of us, we proceeded for Surat , and there
purchas’d Bread for the Fleet. When Capt. Cockburn came
I down from Surat , there was a great Difference between him
\and the Commodore, who alfedged that Capt. Cockburn had
< acted contrary to his Orders, on which*the Captain was confin’d
a whole Week to his Cabin, and every one thought that he,
would have been brought before a Court Martial. Some Days
after Capt. Cockburn watt confined, the Commodore’s Lieu-
tenant, and Capt. Braithivaite came to see him, and would have
had him ask the Commodore’s Pardon, whiqh the brave old
Gentleman refused, not thinking himself at all culpable. After

i 1 From the pay book of the Salisbury we learn that Francis Davis
joined as an able seaman on 23 January 1721 and deserted at Johanna
oji 26 August following.

\ 2 This seems to be what is now known as Ghubbet Binna, just to the
north of Cape Binna and about twelve leagues south of Cape Guardafui.
Tit log of the Salisbury records that the ships lay there from 20 to 25
Ju.y. The Dawson and Fame were not met with until 18 August, in
the Gulf of Aden.

90 TRANSACTIONS OF A SQUADRON

this the Commodore ordered him his Liberty, and to get his
Ship in Readiness to sail for England.

BENGAL 1 2 being a very cheap Place for Pork, and all other
sorts of Provisions, we here killed a great quantity of Hogs,
which were cut out according to the usual Form of the Navy ;
that is, two Pound for three Men at short Allowance. But by
the time they had been in Salt about two Months, you might
have put a whole Piece in ybur Mouth at two Mouth-fuls.
This occasioned a good deal of grumbling. The Exeter nn
December 2 took her Departure from Bombay for England , and
touch’d at Madrass in her way hogie ; and there she join’d
company with several of the Madrass and Bengal Ships, and
proceeded for the Cape and St. Helena. At Barbadoes she was
oblige# to touch for want of Provisions, and there Mr. Suther-
land made his Escape, and tarried till he had a Pardon granted.
The Exeter in June following arrived safe in England. The
Lyon and Salisbury staid almost two Years 3 4 longer in the
Country.

WHEN the Salisbury had taken in what Freight they
thought proper, designing for the Coast of Arabia again, she
run down the Coast of India in quest of the Commodore’s
small Ship and Brigantine, then taking in a Cargo of Rice at
Mangalore , which was purchased by Mr. Wake, an eminent
Merchant, who had also taken in a Cargo of Rice on board his
own Ship the Fancy , the Ship Vlie Pyrates had given Capt.
Mackray in the room of the Cassandra , which belonged to the
East-India Company. The Salisbury joining these Ships at
Mangalore , they took on board what they had need of for
their Ships Companies, and proceeded all for Mocha , having
on board the Salisbury , Norrejaf the Company’s Broker ;

1 ‘ Bombay ’ seems to be intended.

2 13 January 1723 is the right date.

3 Less than one.

4 Navroji Rustomji was one of the three sons of the late broker at
Surat, from whom the Company’s factors claimed a considerable sum.
His enterprise in going to England to lay the case before their employers
obtained a fitting reward; for, on the matter being referred to the
arbitration of four of the directors, he was awarded the sum of £19,125.
(See the Court’s letter to Bombay of 2 April 1725, para. 81. ) He returned
to Bombay in the Windham , as here stated.

SENT TO SUPPRESS THE PYRAMES 91

who afterwards came to England , where he was received and
entertained after the best manner, by the East-India Company.
For Rustrum Norreja had been of great Service to the Company,
as had also his Father many Years before him ; being
employed as the Company’s Broker. He was sent to Surat
again, after he had been some time in England , on board the
Windham , Capt. Robert Lyon}

CAPTAIN Braithwaite mow • proceeded 'for Mocha , and
thence returned to Fort St. David on the Coast of Coromandel ,
about forty Leagues to the Southward of Fort St. George or
Madrass ; here the Salisbury was to join the Lyon and Shore-
ham . After this, the Salisbury's Order was to proceed for
Madrass , and there to take in such Provisions as the Commo-
dore had left for them, and then to proceed for England ;
which accordingly they did, having no other Passengers on
board but Rustrum Norreja , who embarked several valuable
Effects with him. In their Passage homeward bound, they
touch’d at the Cape of Good Hope , and St. Helena , where they
took in Water, but no fresh Provisions. The Men were in
good heart, tlio’ their Victuals were very bad and small.

• For this reason, it was thought proper, after a Consultation
of the Officers, to steer for Barbadoes , in order to refresh the
Ship’s Crew, with Provisions, Wine and Water. In the mean
time, the Pump was directly put in the Water-Cask, and every
Man had as much Water as fte could drink ; which at that
time was very refreshing, being in a hpt Climate, and nothing
but salt Provisions. This Refreshment of Water preserv’d
many of. their Healths and Lives. After their Arrival at
Barbadoes , Capt. Braithwaite was very good to his Men, and
those that were sick, were sent on shore to the Hospital, and
the others had leave to go on shore to refresh themselves.

THE Salisbury having refreshed her Crew, began to get
in Readiness for sailing, and took on board such Provisions as
the Island afforded them. In March 1723, 2 they arrived at
Spithead, where they were shortly after paid off.

THE Commodore having only the Shoreham in company,
took a cruising Voyage round several Parts of India , tjien

1 Lyoll (see p. 49).

a 1 724. As a matter of fact, the Salisbury reached Spithead on 18 April .

92 TRANSACTIONS OF A SQUADRON

returned to Bombay , to clean his Ship ; after whjcli about the
End of February he sailed for the Gulph of Persia , and put
into some Harbours on the Coast of Arabia , where he pur-
chased some Horses. From Arabia , he returned again to
Surat , and from thence came to Bombay , where he pack’d up
all his Effects, in order to sail for England. From Bombay he
proceeded down to Carwar , where he went on shore to take
his Leave of Governor Taylor. iYi the Month of November
1723, the Lyon came again from Mocha and Arabia to Bombay ,
in order to take on board twelve of their Guns which were left
on shore with abundance of Water-^asks and other Stores.

THE Shoreham being again returned to Bombay , from a
Voyage thef Commodore had sent her to look after 'the
Merchants Trade he had left down the Coast, it was thought
now proper to touch at Mocha , and from thence to Fort
St. David's, there to join the Madrass and Bengal Ships, and
to proceed for England in company together ; but being too
soon in the Year, lie could not go to Mocha : So after he had
fitted and repaired his Ships, and had got all things in Readi-
ness, in December 1723 he left Bombay, in order to proceed for
England, with the Shoreham in his company. They did not '
make much Stay on the Coast, except a small time at Goa ,
Carzvar and Tillicherry. At Goa they took on board some
Arrack, then touching at Anjango, the Commodore made a
Demand of such Effects as Mrs. Giffard said she had left there.
From Anjango they proceeded for Fort St. David's. Here
Lieutenant Caldicut laid down his Commission, and married
a Widow Lady 1 with a great Fortune, with whom he settled
in India. The Commodore having *hear finished his Business
at Fort St. David's , resolved to leave the Shoreham to compleat
what remained, -and proceeded to Madrass , where he join’d
the Walpole , Capt. Botham , 2 from China , and the Lethulier,
Capt. Shepherd, from Bengal. In a short time, the Shoreham - ,
arrived from Fort St. David's where they join’d the Fordwicli ,

1 The India Office records show that Miller Caldecott was married
to Mrs. Jane Berlu on 3 November 1723 at Fort St. David. Her husband,
John Berlu, the Second in Council, had shot himself on 26 August
preceding.

2 Charles Boddam (see note on p. 28).

SENT TO SUPPRESS THE PYRATKS 1)tf

and came alj home in company, touching at the Cape of Good
Hope for Refreshment in their Passage, and next at St. Helena ,
according to Custom. All Ships belonging to the Company
are obliged to touch at St. Helena , and to leave a quantity of
Rice and Bread, for the Support of the Town and Factory, if
they can conveniently spare it. The poorer sort of the
Inhabitants of the Island eat Yams and Potatoes instead of
Bread, which they seldom* tastfc, except some Ship belonging
to *the Company is in the Road. Governor Pike 1 formerly
built a Boat, which he sometimes would send on the Back of
the Island a fishing, for the Benefit of the Inhabitants. But
the Men which were sent in her, being pretty good Mariners,
contriv’d to get such Provisions in the Boat as iihey thought
convenient ; and instead of going a fishing, they put to Sea,
and run in that Boat down to Barbadoes. • Ever since this
Affair, the Governors of St. Helena have been very careful
how they send out any Fishing-Boats.

IN the latter End of July , the Commodore arrived in the
Downs ; having been three Years and five Months abroad.
The Shoreham was ordered for Woolwich, to be paid off ; as
was the Lyon for Portsmouth.

1 Isaac Pyke was Governor from 1714 to 171‘J and again from 1731
to his death in July 1738.

An Additional

HISTORY

Ofr THE

INDIAN WARS,

Betwixt the

GREAT MOGUL \

AND

Angria and his Allies.

To which is Prefix’d,

A particular Account of John Plantain , a Pyrate ;
who after continuing on the Island of Madagascar
near eight Years, join’d Angria , who made him hisi
Chief Admiral.

n

Also a Brief Relation of Plantain s Wars on the
Island of Madagascar , against the King of Massa-
leagt\ and King Kelly of Mannagore , &c.

THE

HISTORY

’ O’F

JOHN P % L ANT AIN,

CALLED

<#

King of Ranter-Bay , &c.

ON the 20th 1 of April, in the Year 1721, we arrived with
the Lyon, Salisbury, and Exeter, at Chamock Point, a Place on
the Island of Madagascar, much frequented by the Pyratcs fur
many Years before. The Remains of Capt. Avery's Fortifica-
tion were then to be seen, as also part of the Cargoes of several
Merchant Ships, which were destroyed by these Monsters, and
more particularly by the Person we arc now to speak of.

JOHN 2 PLANTAIN was born in Chocolate- Hole, on the
Island of Jamaica , of English Parents*, who took care to bestow
on him the best Education, they themselves were possess’d of j*
which Was to curse, swear, and blaspheme, from the time of
his first learning to spealf. This is generally the chief Educa-
tion bestowed on the Children of the common People in those
Parts. He was sent to School to learn to read, which he once
could do tolerably well ; but he quickly forgot the same, for
want of'practising it. The Account he gave of his first falling
into that wicked and irregular Course of Life, was, That
after he was about thirteen Years of Age, he went as Master’s

1 It was the 17th, according to tho log kept by the master of tho
Salisbury . On p. 85 Downing himself says the 18th. The year Should
be 172?.

a On pp. 61 and 87 he is called James.

II

98 HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

Servant on board a small Sloop belonging to Spanish-Town, 1
on the Island of Jamaica , and they went out a privateering
and to cut Logwood in the Bay of Campeachy ; 2 where they
generally used to maroon the Spaniards , and the Spaniards
used to maroon them, as the one or t’other happened to be
strongest. He followed this Course of Life till he was near
20 Years of Age, when he came to Rhode-Island ; there he fell
into company with several Men who belonged to a Pyrate
Sloop. These try’d to persuade him, with several others, do
go with them ; shewing great Sums of Gold, and treating
him and others in a profuse and expensive Manner. His own
wicked Inclinations soon led him to accept the Offer, without
much Hesitation. At the same time, he acknowledged that
he hachno Occasion to go with them, as he belonged to a very
honest Commander, and one that used the Sailors very well
on all Accounts. But being of a roving Disposition, he could
not bear being under any Restraint. They soon went on
board this Pyrate Sloop, and were entertained in a handsome
manner, being presented to the Captain, who seem’d to like
them very well, and told them if they would sail with him,
they should have the same Encouragement as the other
People had, and that they should in a short time take a
Voyage which would prove the making of them all ; after
this they design’d to accept the first Act of Grace, and leave
off. They left Rhode-Island in Vhis Sloop which they called
the 1'errible, commanded, by John Williams ; and one Roberts ,
# being a bold and resolute Man, was made Quarter-master.
With John Plantain , entered the following five, viz. John
James of Boston in New- England , Ilmry Mill is of Falmouth in
the West of England ; Richard Dean of Stepney , London ;
John Harvey of JShadwell ; and Henry Jones of St. Paul's,
London ; all young Men, the oldest not being above 23 Years
of Age. When ever any enter on board of these Ships volun-
tarily, they are obliged to sign all their Articles of Agreement ;
which is in effect, to renounce Honour, and all human Com-
passion ; for they seldom shew any Mercy to those who fall
into their Hands.

1 Eleven miles from Kingston.

* In the Gulf of Mexico, in lat. 19° 50' N.

99

AND OF PLANTAIN THE PYRATt!', ETC.

FROM Rhode-Island they shaped their Course for the
Coast of Guinea , and in their way took three Ships, amongst
the Crews of which was Mr. Moore the Surgeon, spoken of in
the Account of Commodore Matthews's Transactions. ISiey
pretended to give Liberty to those Ships Crews either to go
or stay with them. The Boatswain of the Ship to which
Mr. Moore belonged, entered voluntarily, and would have used
his Captain and several of the Men very* barbarously ; but
Roberts t who was then Quarter-master, would not allow of it.
They kept the Surgeon and Carpenter by Compulsion, when
they found they chose to leave them ; and took one of the
Ships, which prov’d to be the best Sailor, and called her the
Defiance . Now they had got a Ship of near 300 Tuns, which
mounted 30 Guns, well maim'd and well stored with Precisions.
They usually are at no certain Allowance amongst themselves,
till they are in a Likelihood of being short of Provision, but
every Man is allowed to eat what he pleases. Then they put
all under the care of their Quarter-master, who discharges all
things with an Equality to them all, every Man and Boy
faring alike ; and even their Captain, or any other Ofliccr,
is allowed no more than another Man ; nay, the Captain
cannot keep his own Cabbin to himself, for their Bulk-heads
arc all down, and every Man stands to his Quarters, where
they lie and mess, tho’ they take the liberty of ranging all over
the Ships. *

THIS large Ship they took was typund for Jamaica , called
the Prosperous of London , one Capt. James Commander ’ m
whom, §md so many of his Crew as were not willing to go with
them, they put on board* those two other Vessels they let go.
The Prosperous had on board a considerable number of East-
India Bales, which they hoisted up on Decjt, and cut open ;
the Quarter-master distributing the same amongst the Py rates.
They arrived in a short time on the Coast of Guinea , and kept
all the trading Ships from carrying on any manner of Com-
merce at Gambol and the other Ports on that Coast. Here
they met with the Onslow , whom they fought a considerable *
time ; but the Pyrates being well mann’d, boarding, her,
made sad Havock of her Crew, and brought them to cry out
1 The Gambia River settlements.

U 2

loo HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

for Quarter, which is but very indifferent at best ; so when
they had taken her, they made one of their number whose
Name was England , a Man who had been Mate of several
good Ships, Captain of her. Plantain and his Companions
were daily encreasing their Store ; for not long after they took
the Onslow , they mastered a Dutch Interloper, with whom they
had a smart Battle, and had not the Sloop came to their
Assistance, they would have been obliged to let her go. But
the Sloop coming up, and pouring a great number of Men <wi
board, they soon over-powered them. This 'Ship they liked
exceeding well, and were resolved to, keep her, calling her the
Fancy ; 1 and Capt. England having a mind to her, they
allowed him to command her.

THBY daily now encreased their number, and were not for
keeping so many ,Ships, imagining they should soon have a
Squadron of Men of War after them, which they did not care
to have any Correspondence with. Now Capt. England pro-
posed a new Voyage to them, which might be the making of
them all very rich ; and as they had got such good Ships
under their Command, they were resolved to make the best of
their present Situation. First they proposed to burn the
Terrible Sloop, being old and leaky, and not fit to beat about
the Cape . So having finished their Cruise on the Coast of
Guinea , they were resolved to steer another way. These
Pyrates had now got the Faitcy under the Command of
Capt. England , and a pmall Brigantine called the Unity ,
t which they named the Expedition, and gave the Command to
one Johnson that was with them ; tho’ one Quarter-master
serv’d for them all. And being in* great Dispute how and
which way they should dispose of each other, they went on
shore on the Coa^t of Guinea , and there held a fresh Consulta-
tion, when some were for going with Capt. England , and some
with Capt. Roberts, These Disputes lasted for some time, but
it was left to a Committee chose from among them, on whose
Determination they resolved to rely. They had now six or
- seven Ships with them, on which account it was resolved,

1 I km indebted to Mr. S. C. Hill for a reference to the British Journal
of 14 September 1723, from which it appears that the previous name of
this vessel was the Merry Christmas .

AND OF PLANTAIN THE PYRATE, ETC. 101

that England and Roberts should separate, for fear of a Civil
War amongst themselves. England was to take the Fancy ,
the Snow, 1 and the Ship they called the Victory , and go away
for the EasUlndies ; and Roberts and the rest were to continue
and range about those Seas, as they thought fit. Roberts
afterwards fell into the Hands of Sir Chaloner Ogle , and by
him was brought to Justice, and he and Ips Crew were hung
up in Chains along the ‘Coast of Guinea , from Cape-Coast-
Cbstle*

CAPT. England took to the Eastern Seas, and came away
for St. Augustine's Bay, en the Island of Madagascar , and his
People being very sickly, the Doctor had them sent on shore
for the Recovery of their Healths ; but several! died. Here
they cleared their Ship as well as they could, St. AutfUstine' s
Bay being a Place not extraordinary convenient for Shipping
to lie in, on account of the Foulness of the Ground in the
Bottom of the Harbour, and the irregular Sounding, on which
account a Ship can no ways come to anchor there, to continue
any time ; nay, not so much as four or five Hours : For ’tis
a hundred to one, should the Anchor go in the Ground, or
amongst the Rocks, if ever ’tis got up again. But there is a
Road to the Southward of the Harbour, where you may anchor
in six or seven Fathom Water : Here is smooth Riding, and
the Inhabitants will come off to trade with you ; but be
careful how you trust them, for they are a more politick and
cunning People than the Negroes of the Guinea or Gold Coast ,
very crafty in their way of Trade, and private in their Inten*
tions, speak you fair, but intend to murder you at the same
time. They have five dt six petty Kings near one another,
who are in Alliance together. Here Capt. England lay in the
Road, and repaired all his Rigging, and got a Supply of
Provisions. From hence he came on the Coast of Ethiopia ,

1 Probably this was intended as a description, not tho name, of a
vessel ; cf. tho reference to the Expedition on p. 102. A snow was a
kind of brig.

2 Bartholomew Roberts’s two ships were captured by Capt. Challoner
Ogle in February 1722, and fifty- two of the pirates were executed.
Roberts himself had been killed in the fight. Ogle was knighted as
a reward. For an account of the cruise see Johnson’s General History
of the Pyrates (2nd ed., vol. i, p. 208).

102

HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

with his two Ships, and went to the Portuguese «at Massem -
beach , who supposed them to belong to the English East-India
Company. After they had got a fresh Supply of Provisions,
they sailed to the Island of Johanna , where they lay some time,
and then cruised off the Streights Mouth of Babelmondon , or the
Red-sea , where they took a Moors Ship, richly laden, coming
down from India . . They then made the best of their way for
Madagascar , and went to St. Mary's Island, where none of
their Fraternity had been for many Years, and were very
joyfully received by the King. This Island joins to the Con-
tinent of Madagascar , and is generally a Place of Residence
for Pyrates. Here they made a sad Massacre of the poor
Moors Men, they had taken in the Ship above-mentioned, and
abuseef their Women in a very vile manner. Some say, that
Capt. England kept one or two of the Moors Women for his
own Use, there being some of Distinction amongst them, whose
Fathers were in high Posts under the Great Mogul.

THEY brought the Moors Ship’s Cargo to a quick Market,
and made Sale of what they could ; and Part of the rest they
cast in heaps on the Beach, to be spoil’d by the Winds and
Weather. The Ship, they found, was not answerable for
their Purpose ; on which account they haled her on shore,
and sunk her, with some part of her Cargo on board, which
was neglected by the Inhabitant^, who knew not the Value nor
Use of those rich Commodities. They took up their Winter-
Quarters at this Place, Sind replenished their Store : Before
« they sunk the Moors Ship, they made a Sort of a Hulk of her,
and hove down their other Ships the Fancy , and Snoiv, which
they called the Expedition ; and macle a clean Ship ; this was
in the Year 1719. They then came to Johanna , where they
found the Cassandra and Greenwich ; the former commanded
by Capt. Mackray , and the latter by Capt. Kirby. Capt.
Mackray maintain’d a Noble Fight for a whole Day, and had
not the Ship drove ashore, ’tis thought that he would have
cleared himself of the Pyrates ; who themselves own’d that
he galled them bitterly, and killed them a great number of
Men! The Captain and most of his Men were obliged to fly
up jffto the Country ; where the People happen’d to be
^civilized, and afforded them Refuge. The Pyrate in a few

AND OF PLANTAIN THE PYRATE, ETC. 103

Days sent for the Captain and his Crew down, and used them
with good Manners, and agreed amongst themselves to give
the Captain the Fancy , in Consideration of his Loss, and they
gave him likewise several Bales of Cloth which they thought
would be of no Service to them. As to his Men, they suffered
all of them to go with him, except his Carpenter’s Mate,
whom they compelled to remain with them.

THE Year after, they came on the Coast of Malabar , and
met with the London fitted out on Purpose to engage them, in
company with several other Ships. But instead of that, the
whole Bombay Fleet seem’d afraid to attack them, but burn’d
the Prahm themselves, a fine floating Engine which mounted
24 Guns, (as mentioned before) and then retired into the
Harbour of Bombay . 7

THE Pyrates after this steer’d for Dormscaicas , and there
fell in with a large Ship belonging to the Portuguese ; and
hoisting English Colours, the Portuguese judged them to be an
English Ship which had lost their Passage as well as them-
selves, and made all things ready to salute each other. In
the mean time, the Pyrates got all their Guns in Readiness,
and came ranging up her Side, and never once offered to fire
a Gun till they were near enough to board, and then dozed
them with double Round and Partridge, 1 so that the Shot
went through and through them. They cut their Cable, and
away they went with her. ' This proved a very rich Prize.
They also took another Moors Ship the Year after coming
from China , by which they got immense Riches. The greaj
Ship they took from the Portuguese , they caused afterward to
mount 70 Guns, and on board the Cassandra they mounted 40 ;
by which they thought themselves sole Masters of all the
Indian Seas. They after came down to Madagascar , and there
they refitted again at Port Dolphin , and from thence they
went to Chamock Point . Here they took out of the Ships
they had with them, all the Eatables, Liquors, Money, Jewels,
Diamonds ; and left on shore fine China and other valuable
Goods, enough to have laden a large Ship with. They now*
held a Consultation what they should do ; several were for
leaving off, and living^on what they had ; others of a more
1 A charge for cannon, answering to the grape-shot of later days.

.104 HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

covetous Disposition, were for still continuing in tfyeir unlawful
Practices. However, the Majority wanted Capt. England to
leave those Parts, and to go down to La Vera Cruz , and there
to accept of the Spanish Act of Grace. They were now divided
in Opinion what was best for them to do ; for they had heard
at St. Augustine's Bay, that Commodore Matthews was arrived
in quest of them, by his Letters left there for the Salisbury ;
which Letters the Natives gaVe thftn . On this they steer’d
for Port Dolphin , and from thence to Moroslas . They knfw
what Season was coming on, and how we weTC obliged to shape
our Course. We came after in the Salisbury, and they told us,
that the Pyrates had got our Letters. On which Information,
they dispersed themselves, and some went to one Place, and
some tf) another.

PLANTAIN, James Adair, and Hans Burgen the Dane,
had fortified themselves very strongly at Banter-Bay ; and
taken possession of a large Tract of Country. Plantain having
the most Money of them all, called himself King of Banter-
Bay, and the Natives commonly sing Songs in praise of
Plantain . He brought great Numbers of the Inhabitants to
be subject to him, and seem’d to govern them arbitrarily ;
tho’ he paid his Soldiers very much to their Satisfaction. He
would frequently send Parties of Men into other Dominions,
and seize the Inhabitants Cattle. He took upon him to make
War, and to extort Tribute frorfi several of the petty Kings
his Neighbours, and to decrease his own Dominions.
r , JAMES ADAIB's Birth and Education was something
superior to that of Plantain ; for he was learnt to write as
well as read ; and had been brought «up in the Town of Leith,
by a sober and industrious Father and Mother. Not behaving
to the Satisfaction of his Parents, he went for London, and
from thence, for the West-Indies ; but was taken by the
Pyrates, and after that entered voluntarily with them. He
was a young Man of a very hard Countenance, but something
inclined to Good-Nature. When we bartered with the Pyrates
•at Banter-Bay for Provisions, they frequently shewed the
Wickedness of their Dispositions, by quarrelling and fighting
with each other upon the most trifling Occasions. It was their
Custom never to go abroad ^except armed with Pistols or a

AND OF PLANTAIN THE PYRATE,' ETC. 105

naked Sword in their Hand, to be in Readiness to defend
themselves or to attack others.

IIANS BURGEN, the Dane , was born at Copenhagen, and
had been brought up a Cooper ; but coming to Londonphe
entered himself with Capt. Creed for Guinea ; the Ship being
taken by the Pyrates, he agreed to go with them, and became
a Comcradc to King Plantain . This Plantain's House was
built in as commodious a "blander as the Nature of the Place
weflild admit ; and for his further State and Recreation, he
took a great many Wives and Servants, whom lie kept in
great Subjection ; and after the English manner, called them
Moll , Kate , Sue or Pegg. These Women were dressed in the
richest Silks, and some of them had Diamond Nocklaces. He
frequently came over from liis own Territories to St. Mary's
Island, and there began to repair several Parte of Capt. Avery's
Fortifications.

THE King of Massaleage had with him a very beautiful
Grand-daughter, said to be the Daughter of an English Man,
who commanded a Bristol Ship, that came there on the Slaving
Trade. This Lady was called Eleonora Brown , so named by
her Father ; she had been taught to speak a little English ;
but this is common on the Island of Madagascar , it being the
chief Rendezvous of the Pyrates, where they victual and relit
their Ships. Plantain being desirous of having a Lady of
English Extraction, sent to the King of Massaleage (whom the
Pyrates called Long Dick , or King Dick) to demand his Grand-
daughter for a Wife. Capt. England , with 60 or 70 Men had ,
dispersed* themselves about the Island, and inhabited amongst
the Negroes : but Capt. England being very poor, was obliged
to be beholden to several of the white Men for his Subsistence.
Several of these People had join’d King Dick at Massaleage ;
and persuaded him to refuse Plantain's Demand, to put
himself in a Posture of Defence, and to prohibit all Corre-
spondence between any of his Subjects and those of Plantain.
The chief Weapon used by the Natives is the Lance, which
they are very dextrous in throwing. But Plantain had got
some hundreds of Firelocks, which he distributed among) his
Subjects, and had learned them to exercise in a pretty regular
manner. lie also had great Store of Powder and Ball, and a

106 HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

good Magazine provided with all manner of Necessaries. He
was a Man of undaunted Courage ; which he shewed by ven-
turing down to Charnock Point , as m entioned ' before . Indeed
I Was surprized to find a Stranger pop on me armed as he was,
with two Pistoles stuck in his Sash, tho’ but mean in Habit.
At that time he asked me, what we did there, and whether we
were the Men of War sent out in quest of them. I told him,

I did not know who he was ; he sahd, that he had belonged to
the Cassandra , but had now left off Pyrating, and lived* at
Ranter-Bay . He then gave me the aforementioned Account of
his Birth and Parentage ; and that, if the Commodore thought
proper, he would trade with us, and supply the whole Squadron
with Cattle,** and other Provisions.

BUT to return from this Digression : On Plantain* s receiving
this Message of Defiance from the King of Massaleage , he sent
to tell him, that if he did not comply directly, he would bring
such an arm’d Force against him, that should drive him out
of his Dominions ; and if he happened to fall into his Hands,
he would certainly send him to Prince William of St. Augus-
tine's Bay, who would sell him to the first English Ship which
put in there. These Menaces made King Dick something*
fearful at first ; but being buoy’d up by several of the English-
men that were there, he still refused his Demands, and boldly
sent word, that he would not give him the Trouble to come
quite to his Home, but that he 4 would certainly meet him half
way. This Answer so much inrag’ d Plantain , that he called
his Chief Officers together to consult what he should do ;
tho’, let their Advice be what it would, he always followed his
own Inclination. His chief General was a Fellow they called
Molatto Tom y who pretended to be the Son of Capt. Avery ;
which might probably be true, for the Man was neaf 40 Years
of Age when we were there. This Man being born on the
Island of Madagascar , and of English Blood, Plantain put
much Confidence in him, and intrusted him to raise Men for
his Service ; he fetch’d over from St. Mary's Island about a
thousand Men, which stood by Plantain the best of any, and
would not flinch from him.

BUT Plantain was like to have been trick’d by King Kelly
of Mannagore , who brought 1000 Men with him, and agreed

AND OF PLANTAIN THE PYRATE, ETC. 107

for a certain, Sum of Money to fight for him, which Plantain
very willingly imbraced, and treated him as he did the rest of
his Brother Kings. But Kelly led off his Men, and retreated
just before the Battle, being afraid, that should he a&ist
Plantain, it might cause perpetual Wars between King Dick
and him. By this time there were four or five other Kings
come to his Assistance, who resenting many, Injuries they had
received from King Dick? were resolved to demolish him if
possible : But they found a hard Piece of work of it. For tho’
Plantain , had great Store of Riches, he could not have a
fresh Supply when that was laid out. Plantain entertained
his Brother Kings in a grand Manner, and he caused a whole
Bullock to be roasted for their Entertainment. As to Liquor
he let them have but little, tho’ they covet it very much, and
will drink any manner of spirituous Liquors 1 , J * till it even takes
away their Breath ; when they are drunk, they love to sleep
in the Sun. The Natives of Madagascar are very deceitful,
on which account Plantain intrusted very few of them with
Fire-Arms. Perhaps he would distribute about 20 or 30
Muskets amongst 1000 Men, which were put only into the
Hands of those he could depend upon. They load and dis-
charge their Pieces with great Expedition. I have seen a
Negro at Massaleage take a Musket all to pieces, and look well
into the Lock of it, before he would buy the same.

KING Dick being positively resolved to fight, sent to
St. Augustine's, to desire Prince William to come to his
Assistance, promising to serve him on any other Occasions
But he thought proper to join Plantain, who put his whole
Army in Battle-Array, aitfd those he entrusted with Fire-Arms
were intermixed amongst those who had Lances. He had
English Colours at the head of his part of* the Army ; the
Party commanded by the Dane had Danish Colours ; and
Adair the Scot had St. Andrew's Colours. Plantain ordered
the Scotsman should command on the Right, and the Dane on
the Left ; having intermixed several Englishmen amongst the
Negroes, to keep them up in their firing, and not to suffer any
of them to lie down. The Negro Chiefs take what Money
their Men have, and compel them to fight : They seldom
want Provisions ; for Potatoes grow wild, and Cattle are

108 HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

plenty without Proprietors, except that they keep a few Cows
for their own milking. When they were on their March from
Ranter-Bay to Massaleagc, King Dick was as good as his Word,
met them half way, and attack’d them ; but after a smart
Engagement Plantain put him to the Rout, took some of the
Englishmen who had persuaded King Dick not to comply
with his Demand, and drove the rest quite out of the Field ;
after which they dispersed, arid shifted for themselves as well
as they could. As for the Englishmen he had, taken, he ordered
a great Fire to be kept burning all Night, and the hot Coals
to be scattered about, and made them run to and fro’ bare-
footed upon them, and ordered the Negroes to throw Lances
at them, till* by these Tortures they expired.

AFTER this Success, he resolved to be revenged on King
Kelly , who had deserted him, and had been join’d by Part of
King Dick's scattered Forces. To this end, he put himself on
his March with his Forces, and came up with Kelly ; on which
ensued a smart Encounter, which lasted a whole Day, each
Party being supported by the English , some of whom were on
one side, some on the other. Plantain maintaining his Ground
with great Resolution, the other Party desired a Parley, but
was refused, and they continued the Fight till it was so very
dark, that they were obliged to give over. They had a great
Number of Men kill’d and wounded on both sides, but they
kept a very good Guard, resolving to renew the Fight in the
Morning ; and in the mean time Plantain encouraged his Men,
cby distributing some Brandy among ’em. Kelly and King
Dick seemed resolved to defend themselves to the utmost of
their power ; but early in the Morniftg Plantain's Men attack’d
them with fresh Vigour, put them to the Rout, and took many
of them Prisoners ; among whom were John Darby of the
Town of Chester , and William Mills of Gosport , near Ports-
mouth ; who were after tortur’d to Death in a most cruel and
inhuman manner. Capt. England was now in great Distress,
and could not well tell how to live ; but coming to Prince
* William of St. Augustine's Bay, he there met with seven or
eight of his old Ship-mates, who supported him for some time,
and Prince William resolving to come down to Plantain's
Assistance, they agreed to accompany him.

AND OF PLANTAIN THE PYRATE, ETC. 109

PLANTAIN , to make the most he could of his Victory,
pursued the Enemy over to the Town of Massaleage ; but
found a stronger Resistance there, than he imagin’d ; for he
could not force the Town, the Enemy firing from Houses, .&c.
which obliged him to retreat. This so enraged Plantain , that
he resolved to cut the two Kings of Massaleage and Mannagorc
to pieces, or put them to the most cruel Deaths whenever he
had them in his Power. *

r l»HE Europeans who were dispersed about the Island, came
soon to hear of these Disturbances ; and some of them
propos’d to attempt the taking of Plantain's Castle ; but the
Place being guarded by Cannon, and a River very near the
Place, the Design was laid aside.

I observed, at the time that the Salisbury lay at St. Mary's
Island, the first Morning we were there, some hundreds of
Canoos go from thence to Ranter-Bay ; but who they had on
board, we could not be sure, tho’ some supposed they were
full of White Men : But the Account we had of all the White
Men there, both Dutch and English , was not near the Number
there seem’d to be. It was more likely that these Canoos con-
. vcyed away the Treasure which Plantain , Adair , and the Dane
had concealed there, for fear of its being discover’d. At that
time they were on the Island of St. Mary , it being a Place they
frequented for Recreation or Pleasure, about ten or twelve
Miles distant from Ranter-Bay. The Night we lay there, we
were very watchful, keeping our People constantly from the
Poop, calling to them on the Forecastle, for fear the Natives
in their Canoos should, conducted by the Pyratcs, make an
Attempt to surprize us. But they were more frighted at the
sight of us, than what we imagined, as we were afterwards
informed. A Man came on board the Shorehqm at St. Augus-
tine's Bay, who was a Gun-stock Maker, and had been amongst
the Pyrates. The Account he gave of himself was, that he
shipp’d himself Armourer of a Ship which sailed from London ,
but belong’d to Bristol, on a Voyage to Madagascar , in order
to procure Slaves. This Man (whose Name was Thomas
Lloyd , who formerly lived in the Minorics,) said he was 0 left
with six more of their Men on the Island, and had suffered very
much by a petty Prince called King Caleb ; that had it not

110' HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

been for Prince William , they should have been murder’d.
That when the Pyrates were there, that Prince would not let
them go out of his House ; for he told them, that the Natives
wafie Hogues, and that he was resolved to preserve them, two
of whom, however, soon after died. That these Pyrates live
in a most wicked profligate manner, and would often ramble
from Place to Place, and sometimes have the Misfortune of
meeting some of t*he Natives, Svho Would put them to lingring
Deaths, by tying their Arms to a Tree, and putting lighted
Matches between their Fingers ; that they served two of his
Ship-Mates in the like manner, anc^ would stand and laugh at
them during the time of their Agonies. This I think was a just
Retaliation Ao the Pyrates for the inhuman Barbarities they
are guilty of.

THE Natives here are very deceitful, seldom true to their
Promises, and no longer your Friends, than you keep feeding
them with such Presents as they want. In their way of
contracting Friendship with each other, or any Stranger with
whom they have a mind to hold a Correspondence, ’tis their
Custom to come down to the Sea-side, and drink the Salt-water
together, and to swear by the same their faithful Intentions to .
each other. This they are very sure to keep, if such an Agree-
ment is entered into by any Number of them : For they inflict
a very severe Punishment on those who any ways infringe it.
Plantain had bound most of hiS Allies under this sacred Oath
of Fidelity, which King JKelly had also taken.

B THE Wars between Plantain and these petty Princes were
carried on for near two Years ; when Plantain having got the
better of them, put several of his Enemies to Death in a most
barbarous. manner. As to King Kelly, he escaped Plantain's
Fury as ytet, ancj, fled for Port Dolphin , where his Brbther was
a King ; but Plantain sent over to him, and forbid him to
harbour him, for if he did, he would certainly destroy his
whole Dominions, as he had done those of Massaleage and
Mannagore. But Kelly * s Brother boldly defy’d him, and sent
him back a very resolute Answer, resolving to defend his
Brother’s Cause. Kelly was a bold and undaunted Man, and
had on several Occasions shew’d his Courage.

KING Dick , and all that belong’d to him, were taken by

AND OF PLANTAIN THE PYRATE/eTC. Ill

Plantain ; however the Lady, on whose account these Wars
were begun, prov’d to be with Child by one of the Englishmen
which Plantain had murder’d. This so much inrag’d him, that
he ordered King Dick to be put to the same cruel Deatl* as
the English and Dutchmen had suffered. He now was resolved
to march for Port Dolphin , as much to replenish his Stores, as
to be revenged on King Kelly ; who, conjointly with the Dane 9
had conceal’d a great Hohrd df Jewels and Money at Port -
Doiphin , in an unfrequented Wood, which he was inform’d
of by an Intimate of theirs, who alone they had intrusted with
this Secret, and who had deserted to Plantain.

WHEN I proceeded from Chimnah 1 to Broderah , a after
I had been taken by the Sangarcens, there came to Guzurat
two Dutchmen and three Portuguese ; one of the Portuguese was
named Anthony de Silveslro, and had bee* brought up by
Capt. Westerhy of Poplar , talked very good English. They
all came from Surat to take on in the Moors Service, as many
of the English do. This Anthony told me, he had been amongst
the. Pyrates, and that he belong’d to one of the Sloops in
Virginia , when Blackboard 3 was taken. He informed me, that
if it should be my lot ever to go to York River or Maryland ,
near an Island called Mulberry Island , 4 provided we went on
shore at the Watering Place, where the Shipping used most
commonly to ride, that there the Pyrates had buried con-
siderable Sums of Money in §reat Chests, well clamp’d with
Iron Plates. As to my part, I never was that way, nor much
acquainted with any that ever used those Parts : But I have «
made Enquiry, and am inform’d there is such a Place as
Mulberry Island . If any Person, who uses those Parts, should
think it worth while to dig a little way at the upper End of
a small s&ndy Cove, where it is convenient t© land, he would
soon find whether the Information I had was well grounded.
Fronting, the Landing-place arc five Trees, amongst which, he

1 This place, later called Chimnaw and stated to be about thirty miles
from Cambay, has not been identified.

2 Baroda.

2 The notorious pirate Edward Teach was so nicknamed. Ecy an
account of him see Johnson’s General History of the Pyrates.

4 Presumably the small village bearing that name on the banks of
James River in the north-west part of Warwick County, Virginia.

112 ' HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

said, the Money was hid. I cannot warrant the Truth of this
Account ; but if I was ever to go there, I would by some
means or other satisfy myself, as it could not 'be a great deal
ouW)f my way. If any body should obtain any Benefit by this
Account, if it please God they ever come to England , ’tis hoped
they will remember the Author for his Information.

AFTER Plantain had put King Dick to death, and those
Dutch and English who had f&ught against him, he march’d
to the King of Massaleage's Dominions, and found a great
deal of Treasure at King Dick' s House, and great Store of
such Sort of Grain as the Island produc’d, which Plantain
order’d to be pack’d up, and sent to Ranter-Bay. As to the
Inhabitants, .he sent great Numbers of them down to Ranter-
Bay , made Slaves of them, and caused them to form several
Plantations of Sugar-Canes, and after brought the same to
great Perfection. So soon as he had cleared the Town, he
caused his Men to set the same on fire, and then went to King
Kelly's chief Town, and did the same there. He found but
little Subsistance in all these Dominions ; for Kelly was
a subtle, sly Fellow who took care of himself ; and so soon
as lie found that Plantain was on the victorious Side, he lied
in the Night from his Associates, came to Mannagora , secured
all he had of any Value there, and then fled to Port Dolphin to
his Brother, where he sheltered himself for a time, till Plantain
came again with an Army, ancf totally demolished both one
and the other ; for he nqw tyranniz’d over the Natives all over
^the Island. After he had burnt King Kelly's Town, he came
down to Ranter-Bay , bringing the Lady before mention’d
with him, which he accounted the chief Trophy of his Victory ;
who tho’ she was with Child, he accepted of, and was much
enamoured with }icr. This Woman having chiefly beeA brought
up under the Care of her Father, who was by all Accounts
a very honest Man, and was by him actually left behind at that
Place ; he had taught her the Creed, the Lord’s Prayer, and
the ten Commandments, and gave her an Insight into the
Christian Faith ; but not having the Conveniency of Books,
he QDuld not so fully instruct her as he desired. By this Wife,
Plantain has had several Children. When he brought her to
Ranter-Bay , he made a grand Entertainment, and gave her

113

AND OF PLANTAIN THE PYItATE^ETC. '

the whole Government of his Iloushold Affairs, discharging
several of his other Women. This Eleanor Brown would often
talk to him concerning Religion, ask him after God ; and
according to her Father’s Directions, say her Prayers Night
and Morning : On which account, Plantain used to say he
had now got a religious Wife ; but yet took what she said in
good part. He cloath’d her with the richest Jewels and Dia-
monds he had, and gave «her twenty Girl ‘Slaves to wait on
hex It was this Woman that Mr. Christopher Lisle would have
been great with ; for which Attempt Plantain shot him dead
on the Spot. This Lisle Ayas the fourth Mate to Capt. Benson
of the Dawson East- India Man ; for I was sent on board of
them off Mount Dilley , where he and the Captain had some
very high Disputes, on which the Captain had confin’d him in
Irons for a Mutiny ; which Lisle , together with an Ensign
of the Guards design’d for Bombay, had bred on board the said
Ship. After I had acquainted Capt. Cockburn of wliat Capt.
Benson alledged against them, the Captain sent me to fetch
them on board of us. The Commodore was inform’d of this
Affair, and he ordered that Mr. Christopher Lisle should walk
the Quarter-Deck on board of the Salisbury (which was the
Ship I then belong’d to) and do the Duty of a Midshipman.
When we arrived at Charnock Point , Mr. Lisle run away from
us the second or third time of his going on shore. At his first
coming on board Capt. Coek&um, (who always had a Regard
for what Station a Man had serv’d yi) he desired, as he was
a Stranger on board, that I would let him mess with me ^
which I, did, with the Captain’s Approbation. Rut soon saw
he was not only a quarrelsome Fellow, but one that was
malicious, and slothful in performing his Duty. He said he
was the* Nephew of Capt. Lisle of Stepney, who formerly
commanded the Berwick Man of War. I had his Note for Three
Pound ten Shillings for Conveniences he had of me ; for tho’
he was an Officer on board the Dawson , he was very bare,
and had made away with most of his Effects. The Captain
alledged, that he had broke open several Chests of Liquor in •
the Hold, and had converted it to his own Use ; wind* was
afterwards sufficiently prov’d against him. If he has any
Friends now living, who have never heard of his End, this

114 ' HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

Account will be a Confirmation to them of his fatal Destiny,
being killed by the Hand of a pyratical King, afe mentioned
before. They may find him stand entered for his Majesty’s
Shijj the Salisbury in the Month of February 1721-2, and run
at Charnock Point on the Island of Madagascar in the April
following 1722. 1

NOW Plantain had taken a considerable time to recover
from his Fatigue, and recruit his Forces, which at last he did,
tho’ not with the desired Expedition : And after he had mode
sure of the Treasure he 2 * and the Dane had cohcealed, they got
all things in readiness, and went over to St. Mary's Island to
Capt. Avery's Castle, and took from thence some Materials
which they panted, and being join’d by his Allies, he gave
Order for his whole Forces to march for Port Dolphin , but they
were very much fatigued in their way. Here young Capt.
Avery , or Molatto Tom , as they generally call’d him, was of
great Service to him, and kept a regular Discipline amongst
the Army. This Molatto Tom was one that was so much fear’d
amongst them, that at the very sight of him, they would
seem to tremble. They often would have made him a King,
but he never would take that Title upon him. He was a Man
of tall Stature, very clean-limb’d, and of a pleasant Countenance.
He had Hair on his Head, and no Wool ; which I have often
admired at, having seen several of this Mongrel Breed, who
have all had Wool on their Heads. He had long black Hair
like the Malabar or Bengal Indians ; which made me think
he might be the Son of Capt. Avery , got on some of the Indian
*Wonicn he took in the Moors Ship, which had the Grand
Mogul's Daughter on board. This js very probable ; for he
said he could not remember his Mother, but that he suck’d
a black Madagascar Woman, which for some Years die took
for his Mother, t&l he was told his Mother died when he was
an Infant.

DURING the Season that Plantain was at his Castle, the
time was spent in great Mirth and Entertainments amongst

1 This is correct. In the pay book of the Salisbury in the Public

Record Office (no. 303) Christopher 4 Liell * is entered as having come

from the Dawson as an able seaman on 14 February 1722 and as having

deserted at Madagascar on 29 April following. 2 King Kelly.

AND OF PLANTAIN THE PYRATE / ETC. ' 115

the English that were there under his Protection. Several new
Songs were made in token of his Victories, and at the End of
almost every Verse was pronounced, Plantain King of Ranter-
Bay ; which he seem’d mightily pleas’d with, as well as jpith
Dances perform’d by great Bodies of the Natives. After he
had destroy’d King Dick , and King Kelly , he established two
Kings in their stead, leaving them to rebuild and make good
what he had demolished.* They were alsd tributary to him,
ard sent him in every Month, a certain number of Cattle of
all sorts that the Places afforded ; and they were to keep the
Lands in good order, and to pay him Tribute for all sorts of
Grain, Sugar-Canes, &c.

WHEN we were at Mannagore, we had the .Opportunity
of seeing several Entertainments by the Women of that* Place,
who came down and offered their Service tq any that thought
proper to accept of them. They gathered every Night one
Hundred or more of them together, and formed a sort of hollow
Square, where they used to sing and dance in their way.
Amongst all these Women, they never have above two or
three Men who dance with them and play on the Musick to
them. This Island of Madagascar is very safe for Travellers,
there being no manner of wild Beasts there to annoy them.

WE must return again to our majestick Pyrate. He now
put himself on his Journey toward Port Dolphin , destroying
all in his way that opposed him ; being filled with Revenge
against King Kelly and his Brother.^ But the King at Port
Dolphin had strongly fortified himself, having got up somc #
Guns thgit the Pyrates had left there, and in a very odd manner
mounted them on old Carriages which had no Wheels. But
the Natives in Plantain's Army were very much frighted at
the sighft of the Guns, and he was informed that some of them
design’d to betray him, if possible. Molatto Tom , or young
Capt. Avery , immediately seized some of those suspected,
and by torturing two or three of them severely, entirely
quash’d their Design. Plantain was not furnished with Tents
and other Utensils fit for carrying on a Siege ; for the Trees <
were his chief Covering : and he was incumbered with a great
deal of Baggage. As to Provisions, they were daily in quest
after them, plundering all the Towns and Villages they came

i 2

116 ' HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

near ; and if they made the least Opposition, they would fire
their Habitations, and leave them to repair tliem against
they came back. In the Heiglith of this Siege the Dane was
kill’ll, which very much troubled Plantain , for he was near
a Year and a half before he compleated his Design, and was
forced twice in the time to return to Ranter-Bay ; and he was
under a Necessity to make what Expedition he could, for
there were two or* three otlic* Kings who had laid Siege to
his Castle, while he was employed at Port Dolphin ; but these
lie had intrusted, proved so true to him, that* they maintain'd
it till he came. When he was within a Day’s March, lie met
with a strong Opposition, and was forced to fight his way down
to the River,; which so soon as they in the Castle observed
his Colours moving down to the River, they sent all their
Canoos over direytly, and inann’d them very well : for he
never left the Castle without four or five hundred Men to take
care of the Place. The Enemy once had brought a great number
of their Canoos in order to make a Bridg i there, to have cross’d
over ; but they which had possession of the Castle, sallied out
amongst them, took several of them, cut off their Heads, and
stuck them on high Stakes, for Proofs of their Fidelity to their
Master in his Absence, which pleased Plantain very well. So
soon as he got possession of his Fort, he made the Enemy sheer
off ; for he kept a continual Fire amongst them for a whole
Day, and the next Morning manrt’d all his Canoos, and pursued
them to the side of a Wood near his Town, where they shelter’d
themselves, and did Plantain' s Men a great deal of Damage.
Vliis so enrag’d him, that he gave order for his Head jGencral,
Molatto Tow, to draw off a great Body of People, and to make
the best of his way to their chief Towns, declaring he would
follow in a small time with the rest of his Forces. 1 On this
they march’d with the utmost haste, to save their Towns
from Destruction. This was a sort of warlike Stratagem they
had never heard of before in this Island.

PLANTAIN was resolved that he would now make himself
• King of Madagascar , and govern there with absolute Power
and Authority. He kept now near 1000 Slaves, which he
employed constantly on the Fortifications of his Castle ; and
had he acted as Capt. Avery did, would certainly have made

AND OF PLANTAIN THE PYRATE? ETC. 117

a very strong Place of his chief Residence ; for Capt. Avery
only took to the Island of St. Mary , and seldom or ever troubled
the Inhabitants of Madagascar for any thing except Supplies
of Provision. Capt. Kidd , who also was on the Island, arffl in
the East-Indies at Carwar , and hove down at Ducky Rock ,
(which is to this Day called Kidd's Island) very much annoy’d
the Inhabitants, having his whole Body of People with him,
who used to go in great Companies and plunder the Inhabitants,
which afterwards made them afraid of ever doing any thing
to serve the English.

WE left Plantain in pursuit of his Enemy, that had come to
demolish his Castle, and young Capt. Avery marching by way
of Diversion to attack their chief Towns ; one* of which he
had set on fire, and then returned back to Plantain's fcastle,
carrying several Men, Women, and Childreh with him. But
Part of this Town was saved by their Forces, who arrived
quickly after Molatto Tom had retired, and extinguished the
Flames. While they were busied in saving what they could of
their Town, Plantain came down with the other part of his
Forces, and made a sad massacre amongst them, took one of
their Kings and near 500 Men Prisoners. After this Success,
being near St. Augustine's Bay, he was minded to go with
Prince William to see how all his Acquaintance did in those
Parts. He had not been long t there before there arrived three
Interlopers which belonged to Bristol , and wanted Negroes.
This suited Plantain very well ; for he soon disposed of several
hundred of his Prisoners, as well as Women and Children, and*
sent them on board these Ships, which were called the Renown ,
Princess, and Mermaid, dll belonging to Bristol, who all got
their Freight immediately. They gave Plantain several
Invitations to come on board, which he refused.

NOW Prince William and his Uncle raised fresh Recruits
for Plantain, who made them fine Presents, and acknowledged
their Friendship : They also called him, The Great King of
Madagascar. These Ships had purchased their Freights at
a cheap Rate ; what they gave in Exchange, consisted of great
Quantities of Beads, a small Number of Fire-Arms, some Potvdcr
and Shot ; and the Commanders gave Plantain two Suits of
their fine lac’d Clothes for his own wear ; they also let him

118

HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

have Shoes, Stockings, Hats, and such things as they could
most conveniently spare. It pleas’d Plantain very much, that
these Ships happen’d to come there at this time, for he would
haVfc been glad to have disposed of them for any thing, rather
than have kept them. They also spared him what Liquor they
could, and left several trifling Presents for his Wives. Having
their whole Cargoes, they got their Ships with all speed in
a sailing Posture, and put to feea. ' These Ships brought him
the Account of Capt. Roberts' s being taken .and executed* at
Cape-Coast-Castle, and that most of his Men were hang’d
in Chains. This gave a little Shock to Plantain, who was in
hopes to have seen Chocolate-Hole again.

BUT to return from this Digression : The King of Port
Dolphin and Kelly his Brother, had given Directions for most
part of their Arirty to march towards Port Dolphin , it being
only a few Miles from St. Augustine's Bay to that Port.
Plantain in the mean time had sent the chiefest part of what
he had got in return for his Negroes to his Castle, which being
very heavy Commodities, were above a whole Month before
they got them to Ranter-Bay ; it being about four or five
hundred Miles from Port Dolphin thither, and near the same
distance from St. Augustine's Bay. They had a very good
Guard, commanded by two Englishmen.

PLANTAIN now arrived near Port Dolphin, being resolved
to make an end of the War that Summer : In his March he
destroy’d several Towns belonging to the King of Port Dolphin,
eputting Men, Women and Children to the Sword. This struck
such a Terror amongst the Inhabitants of Port Dolphin, that
they address’d their King to make' Peace, and surrender up
Kelly. But he refused their Advice, and put himself in the
best Posture of Defence he could. Plantain advanc’d, and laid
Siege to the Place. He had seized on two Pieces of Cannon that
were left at St. Augustine's Bay, which he had now mounted
on Carriages, and employed several Yoke of Oxen to draw
them. With these he made such a continual Fire upon the
Garrison of Port Dolphin , that he soon quash’d their Courage,
and nn ten Days from their first firing against the Place, it
was surrender’d at Discretion. Here he made a sad Piece of
Work, exercising great Barbarity upon the Inhabitants : But

AND OF PLANTAIN THE PYRATEf, ETC. 119

it was near, a Week before he found either the King or Kelly ;
whom he some time after put to death in a cruel manner.

HAVING subdued Port Dolphin, he made Prince William
Viceroy of that Dominion ; and several other Districts he
appointed to the petty Princes who had assisted him in his
Wars, and who were to be tributary to him. He was now
absolute Monarch of the whole Island, and the Inhabitants
brought in all manner cff Refreshments to him with great
Submission. When we were there in the Salisbury , the Natives
seem’d very subject to him ; tho’ I think we might at that
time have surpriz’d him, and brought him away, which would
have prevented the Mischiefs he has since done.

AFTER Plantain arriv’d at his Castle, he made several
great and splendid Entertainments, to which he invited all
the Dutch , French , and English in the Island, amongst the rest
was Capt. England , who was at that time very weak, and did
not live above a Month ; and ’twas said his Death was occa-
sion’d by the severe Stings of his Conscience for his wicked
Course of Life, and the Injuries he had done to several, by
robbing them of their Properties. This is a thing that seldom
happens to those sort of Men, who are so hardned in their
Impieties, that to outward Appearance they seldom feel any
Remorse. He seem’d very penitent some time before his Death,
and hoped that God would forgive him his Sins, desiring his
Companions to leave off that Course of Life. Plantain having
called all the Europeans together, • extended his liberality
amongst them. Some of them seem’d to dislike their present
abode, and wish’d that they were at some Place or other near
the Coast of India , wheTe they might separate themselves,
for their better getting to Europe . They all acknowledged
Plantain their chief Commander, and called him King. Upon
mustering their Men, they missed half the Number they had
when they came to settle there ; for according to the Account
I had from Dr. William Moore , they lost near 60 or 70 of the
English by Sickness, and in the several Engagements before
mentioned. '

PLANTAIN being now weary of his Kingship, resolved
to quit his Territories (with the Advice and Consent of his
Comrades) and to leave the Natives in quiet possession of their

120 ' HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

Properties ; either urg’d to it by the Remorse, of his own
Conscience, or acting on the Principle of Self-Preservation
(which is most likely) as he found his Associates' decrease daily,
anckcould not depend on the Fidelity of the Natives, whom lie
had used in so barbarous a manner. To this End he determined
to build a Sloop big enough to carry them and their chief
Effects to the Coast of India ; and provided they found no
Refuge in any other place, thcSy w child all go to Angria, and
offer him their Service for some time at least, till Opportunity
should suit for their getting to Europe. They were a long time
in building this Sloop, having but two Carpenters among them ;
but on this occasion all their Hands endeavoured to aid and
assist : and at last they made shift to patch up a Sloop, and
get her into the Water. They had Compasses and other
Mathematical Instruments, but were at a loss for skilful
Persons to make use of them. There was a Dutchman among
them who had been in Angria' s Service before, and was in the
English Service against Angria at Gerey. This Man was taken
in the India-man by Capt. England , and after that entered
voluntarily with the Pyratcs. During the time the Sloop
was building, they did not let the Natives know their Inten-
tions, pretending it was only for a Pleasure-boat. They were
hard put to it to get Iron-work for fixing the Rudder of their
Sloop ; but supplied themselves by sending some of their
Hands to St. Mary's, where they fook a Rudder which belonged
to a Vessel that they had sunk, and got off all the Iron-work,
yhey had Cordage sufficient, and carried the Sloop to St. Mary's ,
where they rigg’d her. Having fix’d her Sails, they* got on
board all their Treasure, and Plantain took his Wife Nelly
along with him ; and then set sail. When they came to
Johanna , they cqyild not help playing their old Game over
again, as we had an Account by a Ship which went a trading
Voyage round those Islands. This Ship belong’d to the Moors
at Bengal , and had several Englishmen on board, who they
would have persuaded to go with them. They plunder’d
•some of the Inhabitants, made them no Recompence for what
they had of them, and took two or three Quills of Cordage
out of the Moors Man ; nay, once they had Thoughts of seizing
the Ship, but imagin’d they were not strong enough to work

AND OF PLANTAIN THE PYRATE?, ETC. 121

her. They left Johanna in the Month of June, in the Hcighth
of the Monsoons on the Coast of India. They after touch’d at
a small Island, where they made a Disturbance amongst
the Inhabitants, setting fire to their Houses, and leaving the
Place mostly in Ashes. When they came on the Coast of
India , they had like to have been lost on the Island of Bombay,
but the Dutchman took on him to run down tp Gerey with them ;
for the Weather was so bad, that none of our Bombay Vessels
coftld venture out to see who they were. They buried nine of
their Crew in their Passage, and had not above 21 of them left.
When they came to Gercy , they surrendered themselves to
Angria^s chief Commander ; he not being there himself.
When they declared on what Account they weifc come, they
were receiv’d very joyfully, and word was sent directly to
Angria , who was then at Allabeg, his chief Place of Residence,
whither they were all sent. When Angria saw them, he was
mightily pleas’d, judging them to be good Sailors, which he
much wanted. Some time after, six of them run away to the
Portuguese , pretending they were cast away on Angria ’s Coast,
and had made their Escape ; and by this means they got to
Bengal , where 1 I had a large Account of all their Proceedings.

WHEN Angria came to understand what course of Life
Plantain had lived, and what a valiant fighting Men he was,
he entertained him in a Magnificent manner. Angria has
Houses very finely built and furnish’d, which was what
Plantain had never been accommodated with : So that when
he saw the State and Grandeur he lived in, he judg’d there was*
a great deal of Difference in their way of living on the Coast
of India , from what there was in the Island of Madagascar.
Here were stately Houses built with Stone, fine strong fortified
Castles, and fine Horses, pleasant Gardens to recreate them-
selves, pleasant Fruits, good Persia Wine, and plenty of Arrack.
All these* things so transported the PyTate, that he now thought
himself in a sort of Paradise ; and Angria, the more to incour-
age him, sent for all the dancing Girls, and order’d a magnificent
Supper to be got for them, and dressed after their own manner.
They were entertained with such Grandeur, that Plantain? vms

1 This seems to be a slip. As mentioned later, Downing encountered
these ex-pirates at Ahmad jihad.

122 HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

at a loss how to behave himself, having been so used to a
brutish way of living at Madagascar : for tho’ Angria is an
Enemy to the English Nation, he is a Sovereign in his own
Dominions, which are now pretty extensive.

I gave an Account in the proceeding History, by what means
Angria had gain’d .the Friendship of the Grand Sedey, whose
Sister Angria married, 1 and who* gave him the Island of
Kenerey , in consideration of the good Services he had don^in
the Sedey’s Wars with the Mogul. He also furnish’d him with
Vessels, Men and Ammunition ; whereby he soon became
terrible to the trading Ships, several of which he seized, as
Opportunity •offered. He had been long settled in Kenerey ,
before"his Ambition led him to enlarge his Possession, and send-
ing to his Brothdr-in-law for Assistance, he went down the
Coast as low as Debull ; there he attack’d the People belonging
to Kemshew, and took Gerey , 2 where the Portuguese had formerly
built a strong Fortification, and then he begun to take Posses-
sion of a large Tract of Land on the Continent ; and also
increase his Naval Forces, by taking several Ships belonging
to the Moors , and other trading People. The Grand Sedey
seeing his ambitious Spirit, and the Success which Fortune
join’d to all his Undertakings, sent him all the Aid he from
time to time requir’d. He tjjen extended his Dominions
further up into the inland Country, and demolished several
Settlements of the Portuguese ; and proceeding in this Method
•for some Years, he grew very rich ; and having defeated
Kemshew in several. Engagements, he was fearful that he would
over-run his whole Country, on which account he agreed to
become tributary to him. For a further strengthening this
Contract, Kemshew offered his Daughter to him for a Wife,
which Angria accepted, and had for her Portion a large Tract
of Land further up in the Country, and a Town called Purah -
Pur ah.

1 No confirmation has been found of this story. Downing’s state-
ments in general on Maratha history are of no authority. He was not
in a position to obtain good information and merely repeated the gossip
of Bombay.

1 Gheria had been taken by the Marathas some time before Kanhoji
obtained control of Khanderi.

128

AND OF ANGRIA THE PYRATE, *ETC.

IN a sho^t time after he took one of the Rodger of Canvar' s
Ships, which was come from Muscat loaded with Horses. This
was a very considerable prize to him ; for being now furnished
with some Horses, he resolved to keep up a standing Aftny,
tho* a very small one. He therefore sent the Horses over to
Gerey, and gave the Charge of them to such Men as he found to
be the most experienc’d in the Arts of horsemanship. He
now had a great mind to make himself Master of the Fort of
Gdlaby, which was then possess’d by the Portuguese , x and pro-
bably might prove a very difficult Undertaking. But his
Ambition led him on to the most arduous Enterprizes ; and
having Men sufficient to go and fight for him, left off hazarding
his own Person, and generally sent a Commander whom he
thought endued with Conduct sufficient to obtain his Designs.
If they chanced by any Misconduct to be defeated, he would
put them to death so soon as they returned ; but if they
behaved well, he generously rewarded them.

HE now had extended his Dominions near two hundred
Miles of Land, very well inhabited, and could raise a very
powerful Army among his own Subjects. Golaby lies very near
to Kenerey , and the Island of Kenerey is in sight of it. But
Kenerey being at that time in the Grand Sedey’s Possession,
he as yet did not think proper to make any attempt on it . 2 He
was resolved to possess himself of Golaby , and for that end
ordered an Army to march and lay Siege to it. -The Portuguese
at this time had lost one of their Grabs, and several Vessels
belonging to their Armada coming from Mangalore loaded with*
Rice ; which Angina's Ships had taken ; This had struck
a kind of Panick amongst them ; and when Anglia' s Sabberdaw , 3
or chief General, appeared with an Army before Golaby , they
quitted their Possession, and fled to Correnjar and Chowle ,
and never once made any Opposition against them. It was
said they had not any Ammunition or Provisions to sustain
a Siege, which was the Reason of this Conduct.

1 No evidence has been found that Kolaba was ever in the possession
of the Portuguese.

8 But Downing has just said that Angria was in possession of Khanderi.

8 Subaddr , a word which originally meant the officer in charge of
a province, then a general or commander of troops, and has now come
down to mean a native officer of sepoys.

124

HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

ANGRIA's General soon sent over to acquaint him, that he
had compleated his Order, and that all things were in Readiness
for his Reception. On this he quitted the Island of Kenerey,
whifch was put under the care of one of his head Sabberdaws ,
giving him order, if ever he was besieged, to send for whatever
Assistance he had occasion for, and he should be supplied.

THE English all this while seem’d under no Apprehensions
from this Increase of Angria's Strength. The Island of Kenerey
is very small, not above a Mile and a half in Circumference,
which one would think not worth looking after ; but being
on a Rock, which must be allowed the best Place for a Fort,
it has proved very detrimental to the English , lying just in
the Mouth ol the Harbour of Bombay , so that no Ship, Boat
or Vessel can pass or repass without being attack’d by Angria' s
Grabs, if he sees a Probability of succeeding. Here they always
keep great Store of all manner of Provision for the Supply
of the Inhabitants of the Island in case of an Attack.

I have in my first part of this History given an Account of
the Renegado Portuguese, who was entrusted as Admiral of
the Galleywats at the Siege of Allabeg , 1 and so shamefully
betray’d his Trust ; and who was sent to St. Helena in the
Morrice, Capt. Eustace Peacock , where he left the said Villain
in the Hands of the English Governor. This Man by his fair
Speeches and Behaviour had so Jar gain’d the good Opinion of
Governor Pyke j that he made him Overseer of the Company’s
Negroes or Slaves in that Plantation. This Portuguese soon
infus’d such Notions into the Heads of these Slaves, that they
were near upon rising and cutting off all the Inhabitants in
the Night ; but by the Providence of God, Capt. Sclater 2 was
inform’d of this Plot, by one of his own Servants, and prevented
the intended Mischief. The Governor then seized this Villain,
and confin’d him in a Dungeon, and the Boy also who was with
him, where keeping him for some time, till one of the Storeships
arriv’d, he sent him to Bencoolen , where the Rogue had like
to have raised all the Molwys , 3 and to have been the Cause of
‘ having the whole Settlement cut off. From thence they
transported him to Madrass , and there he soon obtain’d his

1 ‘ Kenery ’ iB intended. * See note on p. 67.

3 Malaya 'l

125

AND OF ANGRIA THE PYRATE, fiTC. #

Liberty, and got into the Mogul's Dominions. From thence
he has since got to his old Master Angria , and is now one of
his Head Gunners.

BUT to return from this Digression : After Angria hadwgot
Possession of the Fort of Golaby , he set himself up as next
Heir to the Grand Sedey, and laid very heavy Taxes on his
Subjects, in order to support his Grandure. lie also attack’d
and took some European *Ships trading on the Coast, which
strengthen’d and elated him very much. The Grand Sedey had
been his chief Support, and given him the Island of Kcnercy ;
he now wanted that of # i/mcra/, 1 and also a Fort which
belong’d to the Grand Sedey, called Allabeg , which we attack’d
as mention’d before. This incroaching Temper the Grand
Sedey did not approve of ; wherefore he sent to him to know,
whether, if lie should grant him that Favour, he would not,
in time, require other parts of his Dominions ; and therefore
refused his Request. Angria at this Refusal took such disgust,
that he resolved to have this place by some Stratagem or
other ; and having renewed a Correspondence with the
Portuguese , they supplied him with Powder and Ball, and all
manner of Utensils to further his Projects. On which account
he confirm’d a Peace with the Portuguese for a small time, as
suited his own Conveniency : so that after he had stock’d
his Magazines with all manner of warlike Stores, he sent to
the Sedey to demand Allabeg .• The Grand Sedey being a very
powerful Prince thought at once to cqish him, and sent a con-
siderable Army against him ; but he had taken care to be well,
provided, for their Reception, and sent to King Kernshew , to
request his immediate aid. By his help, and a considerable
Army of his own, he attack’d and mastered Allabeg before
the Sedey’s Forces could come down to its Relief. 2 In it he
was much assisted by the Portuguese , and two Dutch Ingineers,
by whose Direction so quick a Fire was continued, that the
Garrison was soon obliged to surrender, and Angria took
possession of the said Fort the Day before the Sedey’s Army
appeared in Sight. The Garrison had no Ingineers among them
to direct their Cannon, nor had Angria any, except a, few

1 Underi, a small island between Khanderi and the mainland.

a There appears to be no truth in this story.

126 ' HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

Portuguese , and the two Dutchmen before mentioned. However,
the Grand Sedey was very much inraged, to think' that Angria
should prove so ungrateful, as he was his Relation, and had
received several Favours from him, (for he really thought him
to be the true-born Son of his own Sister.) The Sedey’s Army
was ordered to the Island of Ilenerey , which is very low and
flat, and near to that part of the Sedey’s Country as joins to
Correnjar, 1 a City* inhabited by the Portuguese , from whom
the Sedey expected Assistance. The Portuguese , on the other
hand, were willing to get the Sedees routed and turn’d out of
this Island, which was so near tp them. They therefore
sent and desired Angria to be expeditious in all his Undertak-
ings, and that they were willing to assist him as privately as
possible. These Accounts I have had confirm’d to me from the
most ancient Mei* on the Island of Bombay .

HAVING but slightly treated of these Matters in the first
part of the Historical Account of the Wars of Bombay, I shall
now give a more particular Relation of Angria and his Land-
Wars. The Sedey’s Forces strengthening the Fortifications
on the Island of Henerey , seem’d resolv’d to maintain their
Possession, and to demolish Angria if he should attack them.
They sent the useless Inhabitants from the Island, to another
part of the Sedey’s Dominions, and demolished the Town
before Angria* s Forces arrived. They put all their Trust in
the Strength of the Fort, having near forty Pieces of Cannon
mounted ; which had thpy been managed in a regular Method,
«would have dispersed the best Army that Angria had ; tho’
he scarce would entertain any as Officers in his Serv^pe either
by Land or Sea, but Men of approved Experience. Under the
Conduct of these, he put some young Volunteers to learn the
Art of War ; ancj, would very generously incourage hU Soldiers
or Seamen, when they behaved well. After he had taken the
Island of Golaby 9 he seldom commanded himself, but intrusted
those whom he confided in to conduct his Forces. There were
six or eight Jentew 2 Sepoys t and two Fishermen who came away
# with him when he left the Island of Bombay ; these Men he

1 tfhe town of Karan j a, on the south side of the island of that name
(see p. 34). The ruins of the Portuguese fort are stiJl visible.

* Hindu.

AND OF ANGRIA THE PYRATE.ffiTC * 127

put much Confidence in, and they having had great Experience,
in the English Service at Bombay , and being Men of Courage,
were promoted to be his chief Annabobs 1 or Generals. Two of
them were intrusted with the chief Command of the Island
of Kenerey , and Gerey , and were very diligent in keeping a
most regular Discipline in their several Jurisdictions, for fear
of the Inhabitants, who were very much oppressed.

ANGRIA now thought* of sending his Army to attack the
Island of Henerey ; this Island has a small River running round
it, and falls into Pen River on the Back of Correnjar , and from
thence into the Harbour of Bombay . 2 Anglia's Galleywats usually
lie in this River, from whence they come out and interrupt the
English Fishery ; which has caused many to forsake the Place
for fear of coming under his Power. ’Tis very surprising4o me,
to think how the Inhabitants of the Island pf Bombay secured
themselves from his Attempts before Governor Boone came,
when they had no manner of Guard for the Island, nor no
Protection for the Merchants Trade on the Sea-Coast : In this
unguarded Posture we found the said Island at our Arrival.

BUT to return : Angria now laid Siege to the Fort of Henerey ,
which the Sedees defended near three Months, and lost a great
Number of Men ; but they were forc’d at last to quit posses-
sion and retire. 3 Before they left the Fort, they demolished
great part of the Walls, and nailed up most of their Cannon : so
that when Angria' s Forces tbok Possession, they could not
make much use of the Fort and To^vn. On which account
Angria settled his Fishery there, which remains to this Day the #
chiefest Place of their Residence, almost all the Inhabitants
belonging to the Fishery. He there appointed a chief Officer of
Justice to keep them in regular Order, and to receive Tribute
or Toll for him, by which he had much impoverish’d the
Fishermen, who could scarce afford to maintain their Families,
tho’ they live in those parts at a very cheap Rate.

1 ‘ Annabob ’ is simply al-Najmb, ‘ the general \

2 This is quite wrong. Downing seems to confuse the island with
part of the neighbouring mainland (cf. p. 129).

8 This story of the capture of Underi by Angria is apparently baseless.
The island remained in the possession of the Janjira SIdi until lhuch
later. Downing may, however, be referring to Angria’s conquest of
the neighbouring district on tho mainland.

128 ' HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

BUT tho’ Angria had got such great Possessions on the
Continent, yet still he was in want of Grain and Fruits for the
Support of his Army ; occasion’d by the Devastations made by
the Forces on each side. The Sedcy was full of Resentment at
the Conduct and Behaviour of Angria , but being at War also
with the Grand Mogul, and forc’d to support an Army for the
Safe-guard of his Capital Towns and Cities, he could not at
present chastise him as he design’d 1 ^ Besides, he was appre-
hensive that the Mogul, hearing of these Disturbances, might
send an Army to join Angria , and attack him on all sides at
once. The whole Country was all f in Confusion ; and the
Grand Sedey ordered Angria to be declared an Impostor, and
not his Sisteris Son. But it was now too late, for several great
Men hud join’d him ; he had also well peopled some Towns,
and enlarg’d them, appointing Olliccrs of Justice to act there
in his Name, and to demand such Tribute as they should think
convenient. Angria was once obliged to take off his Taxes for
fear of a Rebellion ; but that fear being over, in a short time
he laid heavier Loads on them than before. He was at several
times attacked by Parties of the Scdey’s Army, but generally
came off with Conquest.

THE Rodger of Canvar and Kemshew were Brothers, and
Angria marrying of Kemshew* s Daughter, contracted by this
means a powerful Alliance with them ; so that during the Wars
with the Grand Sedey, he had 1 great Assistance .from them,
they being powerful Priqccs. Tho’ Angria had formerly taken
# one of the Rodger of Carwar's Ships coming from Muscat , loadcn
with Horses, yet the Rodger being an Enemy to tlje Grand
Sedey, now cither forgot this, or at all Adventures was resolv’d
to humble the Sedey, by assisting Angria . Angria had also
great Supplies i'fom a treacherous Jentew on the Island of
Bombay , before spoken of, who used to buy Powder and Arms,
on pretence of sending the same to the Portuguese , by way of
Merchandize, which proved very fatal to the English. 1

• 1 Tho reference is to Rama Kamat, who was arraigned by Boone on

a charge of warning Kanhoji of the impending attack on Khanderi.
There are grounds for thinking that his condemnation, which was
obtained by evidence extracted by torture, was unjust. For an account
of the trial eee the Bombay Gazetteer , vol. xxvi, part i, p. 144.

129

AND OF ANGRIA THE PYRATE, *ETC.

ANGRIA having provoked the Sedey to be his Enemy,
seemed not at all uneasy about it ; for he now thought the
Strength of hi£ Allies, join’d to his own, was sufficient to main-
tain what Possessions he had acquired. Elated with his constant
Success, he seem’d ill to requite the Portuguese for the several
Services they had done him, at which they were so provoked,
that they resolved to hinder his Progress as much as possible.
Angria perceiving this Gbldness in the Portuguese , attack’d
tlffcir Fort at Correnjar, and had it not stood on a very advan-
tageous Ground, with a stout Castle built on the Brow of a Hill,
which commanded a great Bay on the low Land which he had
in Possession, he would very probably have succeeded : But
his Army ne’er met with hotter Work, and was soon obliged to
retire, and make to the Island of Henerey for their Security from
the Cannon-shot the Portuguese fir’d amotigst them. They
were also obliged to build a small Battery on that side the
Island of Henerey which fronted Correnjar ; for otherwise the
Portuguese would have demolished his Fishery, and have made
a sad Piece of work with him. For tho’ Golaby was surrender’d
to him almost upon his Appearance before it, yet the Grand
Sedey was not a little pleased to see the Portuguese make him
shear off. But tho’ he drew off his Forces from before the City
of Correnjar , he kept open War with them at Sea, and was very
troublesome.

, ANGRIA had now got several great Enemies against him ;
the Great Mogul and Grand Sedey , tho’ they were at War with
each other frequently, yet were both Enemies to him, as wem
the Portuguese and the English . As to the Dutch , he never
troubled them, tho’ they have a Factory at Dabul , x and their
Ships every Year come there for the Produce of Pepper from
that Country. What is the Reason of this, I cannot say :
Whether the undaunted Courage of those few Dutchmen he had
in his Service, makes him to dread encountering with them ;
or whether the Dutch make private Presents to him, as their
Factory stands on the Borders of his Dominions. ’Tis certain
his People take no manner of Pains in the way of Trade with *
the neighbouring Merchants ; which had they pursued after he

1 No evidence has been found of the existence of a Dutch factory
at Dabhol.

130

HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

enlarged liis Conquests, they might in all Probability have
acquired greater Riches than at present they possess.

ANGRIA was still resolved to push his Fortune against the
Sedey, to which end he caused an Army to march on the Back
of the Grand Sedey’s Country, into the Mogul’s Dominions,
and there they raised a very large Sum of Tribute Money due
to the Grand Sedey, which enraged the Sedey more and more
against him : But the old Sed&y d^ing, 1 Angria was resolved
to have a Trial for that Empire ; which the Generals afttid
Governors of the several Provinces of the Sedey’s Dominions
opposed, and proclaim’d the deceas’d, Sedey’s Son Grand Sedey.
On this an Army marched to invade the new Sedey, whose
Forces attacked his Enemies with great Resolution ; but the
Y ictorty seemed to incline to Angria *s Side, the other Army
giving way for near a Mile ; at which time Angria 1 s General
took great Numbers of them Prisoners ; he also took seven or
eight of the Sedey’s Elephants, which he has at present in his
custody : but Night coining on, both Armies retreated to their
respective Camps, with a Design to renew the Fight in the
Morning.

THESE Trophies of Victory being sent to Angria , very much
encouraged him to send a further Assistance to his Army ; lie
was in hopes to hear by the next News, that the Sedey was
driven to the Mountains, where he has a very fine City on the
Top of a Hill. The next Morning both Armies engaged again,
and the Fight continued wery hot for some Hours ; but at last
mdngria's Army thought proper to retire to their Camp, which
was too strong for the Sedees to attempt to force. The Angrians
had some few Horse in their Army, which were taken in the
Arabs Ship coming to Bombay , and designed for the English
Service ; besides, ,Angria\ Father-in-law Kemshew assisted him
with near 1000 Horsemen ; all which, with his Foot-Soldiers,
were nothing in number to the Grand Sedey’s Army. -But the
Dutch Engineers made such Havock with their Cannon, that
the Sedees were killed in great numbers. They could direct
almost a continual fire from 12 Pieces of Cannon which they
had in the Camp, and there was a sufiicicnt number of Oxen

1 ’PreEumably^Dowuing is referring to the death of Raja Ram (1700);
but his whole account is a travesty of the history of the time.

131

AND OF ANGRIA THE PYRATE, *ETC.

ready to draw them away from Place to Place, where the
Enemy might be most annoyed. These Dutchmen were so very
expert in all p&rts of their Service, that Angria indulged them
as much as possible, and would do nothing without •their
Approbation, relating to the Artillery ; as they had brought
several of his People to be assistant to them in the Discharge
of the Cannon ; he would send some of .these Dutchmen to
command his Ships, and ’they very often brought in Prizes.
THe inland People were used with Courtesy, for they brought
in all manner of Provision for the Support of the Inhabitants
on the Sea-coast ; tho’ *hey are not a People that are very
luxurious in their way of living ; for they eat no Flesh, nor any
thing that ever had Life or Blood in it, except Pish, on which
they chiefly feed, with Rice and Milk, and all sorts of Fruits,
Roots, and Greens. Of these they would have great Plenty,
provided a proper care was taken to cultivate them. When
they take any Ships belonging to the Portuguese or English ,
they reserve a quantity of the Arrack on board to gratify any
Europeans that shall enter into their Service. We had thirteen
Men run away all at once at Bombay , who were going to enter
into Angria' s Service ; but taking the wrong Road by the way
of Goa , through the Portuguese Dominions, they were stopt,
and put into the Portuguese Castle at Correnjar . Capt. David
Wilkie being then Commander of the Victory Frigate, and
I being his second Lieutenant, went with him in quest of them,
attended by part of our Ship’s Company : We found them at
Correnjar , where the Portuguese Governor would not surrender
them ; neither did he entertain Capt. Wilkie as he ought to
have done. But the Captain and I were entertained at one of
their Officer’s Houses in a very handsome manner, and had the
best Lodging the House afforded : A Place was ordered for the
Refreshment of our People, it being in the rainy Season, and
the Weather very bad. We only staid there one Night, and the
next Day came over to Bombay ; not being able to recover our
Men out of the Hands of the Portuguese . What became of the
major part of them, I cannot say, but two of them were Dutch - '
men , who had seduced the others to go with them, and one of
them commanded Angria' $ Grab which Capt. Lawson took and
brought into Bombay ; tho’ the Dutchman was killed in the

132 ' HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

Engagement, or ’tis thought he would sooner have blown up
the Ship, than have been taken.

ANGRIA hearing of the taking of this Grab, was very much
enraged, and resolved that they should not hold her long. The
Command of her was given to Mr. Lewis , who was then first
Lieutenant of the Victory ; they refitted her, and called her
the Decoy ; but she was afterwards re-taken, and the Bombay-
Galley was taken at the same tiine ; 1 which was chiefly owing
to the Conduct of those Pyrates who came with Plantain
from the Island of Madagascar : For most of the Mischief that
has been done of late Years, has b$en more owing to them,
than to Angria' s own Subjects.

BUT to return to the Affairs between Angria and the
Sedees\ The new Grand Scdey being pretty firmly established
in his Dominions, «and knowing Angria to be very powerful,
did not care for continuing the Wars so long as his Father had
done, on several accounts : It hindred divers sorts of Trade
and Merchandize, that his chief Cities and Towns used to be
supported with. And, on the other hand, his Father at the
first settling of Angria on the Island of Kenerey , gave him one
of his Daughters in Marriage, which Rite was performed
according to the Jentew way, and kept with a great deal of
Mirth for a long time. Now tho’ the Sedey had given his
Daughter in Marriage to him, yet that did not keep him from
invading and seizing part of hfs Father-in-law’s Dominions.
And he also married the daughter of Kemshew, who was ever
fcady to assist him with his Army ; they now carrying a
friendly Correspondence with each other. The Mollwans
were his Allies also, and they and Kemshew * s People were as
troublesome down the Coast, as he himself is off of Bombay ,
tlio’ we do all we pan to prevent the same. ’Tis true they have
never attempted to take any of our Shipping as yet, because
they have no Vessels of Force sufficient to attack them with
Success. But as they see Ships pf any Nation standing off

1 We have already seen (p. 66) that the statement about the capture
of th^ Bombay galley was incorrect. She was certainly still in the hands
of tho English in 1733. The story of the taking of the Decoy seems
equally unfounded. She was accidentally blown up at Tellicherry on
21 November 1724.

AND OF ANGRIA THE PYRATE * ETC. ' 183

and on shore, they frequently dispatch Boats to Angria to
give an Account of the same, that he may have his Grabs in
Readiness to encounter them so soon as they come higher
up the Coast.

ANGRIA being in this manner strong by Sea and Land ,
the^new Grand Sedey, who, as before observ’d, found the
Inconveniencies of the War, in the Destruction of his Country,
and in the Stop it put to* Trade, which was the best Support
of 8, his Dominions; offered to enter into a Treaty Offensive
and Defensive with Angria , by the Advice and Approbation of
his chief Men. This was accepted by Angria ; and to confirm
it the more, the Sedey ’s Daughter was contracted to his Son,
tho’ both very young. On the Ratification of this Marriage-
Contract, there were great Rejoicings, and they kept firing
their Guns every Day for near a Week on thi# Island of Kenerey,
and at the Fort of Golaby and Gerey , and the other Fortifications
belonging to Angria ; taking the Salutes from each other in a
very regular manner. We soon had the News at Bombay of
these Rejoicings in Angria's Dominions. Then the Sedey
made him very large Presents ; and the chief Articles of their
Contract was. That Angria should not presume to incroaeh
any farther on the Sedey’s Dominions, but that all Disputes
should be decided in an amicable manner by Commissaries
appointed on both sides ; and that their Armies should join,
and equally share in all Tributes and Plunder taken in the
Mogul’s Dominions ; whom they resolved to attack with all
their Forces : Of which War I shall now give the best Account
I am able, having been an Eye-witness in, a great measure of
what I shall now relate.

H I S T O R Y

«>

OF THE

INDIAN. WARS,

O

Betwixt the

great Mogul,

i S

' ANGRIA, &c.

AFTER Angria had baffled the Attempts made by the
English on his fortified Places, he 1 join’d the Sedey’s Army,
and march’d towards the City of Surat , the best Place for foreign
Trade in the Mogul’s Dominions. Here the Mogul Merchants
build and refit all their Ships. This for a considerable time,
interrupted all manner of Trade in those Parts ; the Butch
Caravans coming down from Guzurat were obliged to stop, and
all the inland Trade lay still. Tine Mogul’s Governor of Surat ,
judging that a Sum of ftfoney might tempt him to raise the
^Siege, sent to know what Sum he expected, if he should draw
off his Forces. He demanded 1200000 of Rupees , which he
pretended was due as Tribute to the Sedey for that City, which
had not paid any for sixteen Years before. The Governor
provok’d at his exorbitant Demand, sent him word? that his
Master would soon send him those who would pay him the
Money in the way he deserved, with their Swords and Targets ;
in the fighting with which they are very expert. His Army
then consisted, as was said, of near 50000 Men, arm’d according
• to the Indian Manner ; and he had several Pieces of Cannon

1 The suggestion that Kanhoji took part in the raids upon Gujarat
appears to be unfounded. The Marathas were mainly led by Pilaji
G&ckwar. The designation of them as 4 Angrians * is equally inaccurate.

HISTORY OF TITF, INDIAN W//RS. ' 135

with him. On this Message from the Governor, they incamp’ d
near the City ; so that the North Gate was shut up, for fear
of a Surprize,* and the Merchants in the City were in great
Consternation. »

NOW ’tis a long way from Surat to Dilley , the Mogul's
chief Residence ; and a Pattimar (or what we call an Express
here) is near a Month in going from one Place to the other,
tho’ he travels Day and Night. The Mctftod of their sending
an Express is thus : The Messenger is carried on Men's
Shoulders from Town to Town, on a Couch, where he lies all
along, and sleeps and ea^ts. Fresh Carriers relieve the others
every five or six Miles, who are generally station’d in Huts on
the Way for that Purpose, and have an annual Allowance to
retain them always in Readiness. When the Express arrived
at Dilley , the Grand Mogul was pleased to order the Great
Annabob , or Generalissimo, to proceed down to Surat with all
speed with part of his Army, having always under his Com-
mand near 180000 Men, 100 Elephants of War, 70 fine Pieces
of Cannon well mounted, and a considerable number of
Europeans of different Nations, who are generally employed
as Engineers, Gunners, &c. in his Ordnance. Part of the
Mogul’s Army I daily saw, when I took on in the Mogul’s
Service ; and I was Engineer under the Annabob Rustram
Alicon , l General and Prince of the Province of Brodurah , 2 who
had an Army under his Comlnand of 70000 Men, 40 Pieces of
Cannon, and 30 Elephants of War. Jlngria has lately been as
great a Plague to the Mogul, as ever he was to the English »
for sinqp he has united himself to the Grand Sedey, they are
as one Family, and assist each other. Angria's Army continued
to move nearer to Surat , and then began to cannonade the
Town ; *on which the Citizens raised a Contribution of 800000
Rupees , which he accepted, and then drew off his Army, and
march’d for Broach. At Concas , 3 which is a small Town
in the Way to Broach , Jie demanded 1000 Rupeas, which
the Inhabitants were obliged to raise in four Hours time,
otherwise he threatned to burn their Town about their Ears. 4
I was then in the Town in my way to the City of Brodurah ,

1 Rustam Ali Khan. * Baroda. *

3 Not identified.

130 '

HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

in company with two more Englishmen ; the Inhabitants
beg’d of us to stay in their Houses, and not appear : for
if we were discovered, they would take us alohg with them.
In the Evening when the Sabberdaw came to demand the
Money, attended by about twenty Men, he happened to
have a Glimpse of us, and was very inquisitive after us.
But the Inhabitants telling them we were three Persians
that were poor, and had not n Bre&d to cat, and that they
supported us out of Charity, they made no farther Enquiry
after us. The Inhabitants well knowing how long it would
be before the Enemy would probably march further up into
the Country, kept us there, and subsisted us with the best the
Place afforded, and brought us Bows and Arrows to go out
into the inclosed Grounds, and there to shoot at Birds or a Mark,
as we thought moct proper, to divert ourselves. This was not
ill Treatment from Mahometans, and I could give several
other Instances of their Goodness and Hospitality, in which
some of them far exceed the Christians.

THE Army having got near Broach , they encamped on the
North-side, in order to make themselves Masters of all the
Trade coming down thither. They hearing that the Dutch
Scaffold, 1 (or Caravan) was on the Road, and the French
likewise ; in the first place seized on part of the French ,
which consisted of about 30 Waggons ; but the Dutch had near
1 20 Waggons loaded with the rfehest Goods belonging to the
Guzurat Trade, as rich Velvets, Embroidery, and Silks of all
{sorts, &c. After this they took some of the Dutch Caravan ; and
had they been farther from Brodurah , they would have had
more. 2 But the French Waggons coming first, drawn by eight
Oxen, and so many of them, that they extended a long way
from the first to the last, the heaviest Loss fell on them, who
were least able to sustain it : For the French are very poor
in this part of India , and have hardly any Credit ; • whereas
the Dutch are very rich in those Parts. In the French Caravan
they also took two Ladies, that were coming down to Surat

1 An amusing perversion of kafila (caravan).

8 A'lettcr from Surat of 9 April 1723 announced that a Dutch caravan
had been attacked by Marat has near Baroda and had lost four carts
containing thirteen bales.

BETWIXT THE MOGUL, ANGRIAJ ETC. * 137

to see their Parents, the Wife and Sister of the French Consul
at Guzurat.

THE Mogufs Army being very numerous, had Orders to
march and attack the Sedecs and Angria. On which Bmtram
Alicon proceeded towards them, and encamp’d his Army on
the Plains of Brodurah , where he daily expected to hear of
the Enemy. But Angela's Party were more politick ; for they
being encamp’d with thd main Body of their Army on the
North-side of the City of Broach , while a Party took part of
the French and Butch Scaffold, or Caravans ; this Party
rejoin’d the main Body, apd brought the News of the Approach
of Rustram Alicon , and his Army. Angria' s Generals did not
lay hold of this Opportunity of engaging them* but got the
Tribute they demanded from the Governor of Broach, and
march’d away wide of Brodurah , plundering all the Towns and
Villages they possibly could. And thinking that the Mogul’s
Army would be in quest of them, wheresoever they came, if
the Inhabitants did not raise the Money demanded, they set
fire to the Towns, and frequently put the Inhabitants to Death,
suffering neither Man, Woman nor Child to escape. Thus did
they ravage the Country, demanding Tribute wherever they
came, pretending it was due to the Sedey, who had not made
any manner of Demand for several Years before, and the
Moguls were in hopes would have been quite laid aside.

THE City of Surat is pretty well fortified, with strong Walls
and Redoubts ; they have also the Convenience of a fine
navigable River for promoting their Trade : but Angria i&
now grown so bold and insolent, that he ranges all along the
Coast, even from Cape Comeroon up to Broach .

AFTER Angria' s Army had returned from Broach , and
plundered several Towns and Villages, thej; march’d wide of
Brodurah , and came into the high Road again for Guzurat , 1
and there fell in with a small Party of the Moguls , which
was sent to guard some of, the Annabob's Baggage, and three
Coaches in which were his Women : After defeating the Guard,
they seiz’d the Baggage, and three Coaches, and were resolved ■
if possible to get into their own Dominions, which they could

1 Downing always calls Ahmad abaci (the capital of Gujarat) by 'this

138 '

HISTORY OF TIIE INDIAN WARS,

not well accomplish in a short time, on account that they
were now some hundred Miles in an Enemy’s Country, tho’
in a manner driving all before them. The News^of the Baggage
andethe Ladies being taken, much enraged Rustram , who was
a Man of immense Goodness in his way, heroic in War, and of
very great Resolution. He never waited for the Grand
Annabob's Order to pursue them, but leaving a small part of
his Forces to guard the City 'of Brodurah , struck his Tents
at Midnight, and march’d with the Gross of his Army in pursuit
of the Enemy, taking only four Pieces of the lightest of his
Cannon with him. He pursued then? with all possible Expedi-
tion, and in two or three Days came up with their Rear, and
retook part of the Dutch Scaffold, and all his Women. That
part of the Rear-guard quitted their Booty with Precipitation,
and endeavoured to join the Body of their Army, which was
then under the Command of Angela's head Sabberdaw , and
two of the Grand Sedcy’s Generals, then noted for their
Cruelty and Inhumanity. All India allows, that the Mogul's
Subjects arc in their way good and experienc’d Soldiers, and
Men that will fight very well. This Character they made good
on this Occasion ; for after they had recover’d most of the
Plunder from them, they still pursued ’em Night and Day,
allowing but four Hours rest for their Army in the 24, for several
Days successively. Several of the Oxen belonging to Angria' s
Army, fell lame on the Road, b^ over-driving of them. How-
ever, it being late in the .Season, and having but little Baggage
(With them, (a Camel with a small Tent for the Annabob to
lie down in part of the Night, being all that General had,) after
pursuing them near three Weeks, it was thought proper to
return back a nearer way, which they did in about ten Days,
crossing the Country into their own Dominions. However,
it pleased Rustram to think that he had obliged them to leave
some part of their Plunder behind them, and that, he had
recovered the Ladies ; for amongst them was a young Gentle-
woman the Great Mogul had made him a Present of, as a Re-
ward of his Victories over the Culeys, and she had with her
all the Jewels which the Mogul gave her when he sent her to
him.

AFTER Rustram Alicon had got his own Baggage, and

BETWIXT THE MOGUL, ANGRIAJ ETC. 7 139

recovered part of the Dutch Scaffold, as soon as he arrived
at Brodurah, he sent to the Dutch Chief to come and take their
Goods again ; J on which the Dutch Governor came himself,
and made him several rich Presents, which he accepted of*very
kindly at their hands, and a considerable Party was ordered
to march from Brodurah , in order to convoy the Remainder
of the Dutch and French Scaffolds down to Broach , where
they were to embark on-board of small Vessels to proceed
for 1 * Surat. After this the Angrians came again to Concas, with
a Large Party, and demanded Tribute, which the Inhabitants
were forc’d to pay. What surprised me, was, that the great
Man and chief General of the Mogul’s grand Army should not
so much as endeavour to prevent this, and hinder the People
from being plunder’d, but remain in his Camp before the City
of Guzurat ; and only send Parties of the /jrmy abroad under
different Leaders : There were two Brothers 1 of this liustram
Alicon, who were also Annabobs, and reckon’d great Warriors ;
being by the Mogul made Governors of Provinces. The News
coming to the Mogul'that his Grand Annabob 2 had not proceeded
any further than Guzurat after the Angrians , and that he had
received the Tribute from the Culeys , he sent an Order for
him to come to Dilley , to give his Reasons for not marching
after the Enemy according to Order ; and in his Absence, one
of Rustram's Brothers was appointed to command the Army
in his stead, which lay encamp’d about Guzurat.

I and my two Companions were now, in our Travels towards
Dilley , arrived at Brodurah , where we found the Army com*
mandecLby Rustram Alicon encamp’d. So soon as we came
into the City, we went as is customary to the Grand Surcass , 3
in order to take up our Lodging ; but we had not been long
there, before the Annabob sent for us to come to him, demand-
ing from whence we came, and whither wc were bound. I
being the chief Person qualified for giving him an Answer to
all Questions that he demanded, told him we were going for

1 Shuja'at Khan and Ibrahim Kuli Khan. They were not governors
of provinces, but merely in charge of the parganas Pitlad and Baroda.

% Presumably Haidar Kuli Khan is intended.

■ Elsewhere this term appears as ‘ surcar ’ and ‘ scar Dowhing
obviously means sariii.

140

HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

Dilley , and from thence design’d for Bengal. He ask’d us,
how we proposed to get there ? I told him that we were in
hopes of joining some Scaffolds which were bdund for Dilley ,
and "that when we arrived there, we should not fear getting
a Passage for Bengal , there being great Numbers of Merchants
passing and repassing continually. But said he, the f Zammelock 1
is now at Variance with the Grand Mogul, and is lying in the
high Road near Dilley , and impresses all People passing and
repassing into his Service. He then asked what Country irten
we were ? I told him, Englishmen . He then asked, of what
part ? Arc you, said he, Billotes Addimeys ; 2 that is. Are
you European Englishmen , or Men born of English Parents
in these Parte ? I told him, we were all Billotes Addimeys.
This ihade him the more desirous to proceed in his Discourse,
which was in a vecy inquisitive way, how and in what manner
we disciplin’d our People in Europe , and how they fought
there ? We explain’d to him as well as we could, that our
Men were all kept in regular Order, and that we never suffered
our Soldiers to fight as they did here. He than asked me how
they engaged ? I told him, that we had large Armies when
there was occasion for them, and that they were all drawn up
in very close Order, before they attack’d their Enemies. We
gave him the best Account we could. He then asked us, if
we understood firing of great Guns ? We gave him a more
particular Description of managing them than what we had
done of the other Affairs. He then asked us, if we were not
willing to take on in their Service ? We told him, that we had
never serv’d any other Nation than our own, and that as we
were going for Bengal , we were in no fear of getting Employ-
ment so soon as we arrived there. But, said the Annahoh , you
are too late in the Year, and as I told you before, the Zamme-
lock now lies in the high Road for Dilley , and takes all Passen-

t The Zammelock is Chief of the Mountaineers , who are very numerous ,
and live in the manner of the Tartars, being often very troublesome to the
Mogul, tho* properly his Subjects .

1 An almost unrecognizable form of Nizam-ul-mulk.

8 Wildyati admi , i. e. foreign men. The former word has now come to
menn English ; and, caught by our soldiers during the late war from their
Indian comrades, was used by them, under the form of ( Blighty ’, as
a synonym *or England.

BETWIXT THE MOGUL, ANGRIAjETC. * 141

gers into his Service against my Master the Grand Mogul ;
therefore, if you think well of taking on in my Service, I will
give you 60 Rupees per Month, and pay you Monthly. You
shall have your Horses to ride on, and have a Tent to shelter
you from the Weather, and all other Utensils fitting for the
same : I will also deliver to you the Care of all my Artillery,
and you shall have the Charge of all the Ammunition belonging
to the Camp, with any NuVnber of my Men to assist and attend
on j you. I will also impower all three of you, if any Accident
should happen on the Road or March at any time, that you
may impress what People^ you may have occasion for, to come
to your Aid and Assistance. If you want Money to make
Satisfaction to any on the Road, I will allow it ? and each of
you shall have a Purwas 1 to keep your Aecounts, according
to our Custom. He then asked us, if we could write or read ?
I told him we could do both, after our own manner. Then he
desired to see us write, and having Pen, Ink and Paper given
us, each of us wrote a Line or two, with which he seem’d to
be well pleas’d, and said we wrote very fast, and that what we
wrote was very fine ; for their Characters are very large. We
with abundance of seeming Shyness pretended to be unwilling
to accept his proffer’d Kindness, and said we could not enter
among them. This made him the more pressing on us, and he
told us that our King and their King were good Friends, and
that the Mogul was the chiei Friend and Protector that the
English had in India . We told hina, we were very sensible
of that. He then said, you are not going to serve an Enemy*
but a Fiuend ; for we want to suppress this Angria as much as
the English do, and are in hopes, that we' shall conquer him,
and take all his Forts from him, and send his Head to Dilley
to the Grand Mogul. We smiled at his typing after that
manner, and told him Angria was very strong, and that now
he had intirely reconciled himself to the Grand Sedey, he was
more powerful than ever, Jjle said, they had not been troubled
with him in their Dominions for some Years before now.
However, we at last agreed to enter into his Service, which
indeed was very advantageous ; and was I there now, I should
not very quickly leave it again. *

1 A parvoe or purvo , i. e. a writer or account -keeper.

HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

U2 '

SO soon as we accepted the Service, he gave each of us six
Pieces of Gold , 1 valued at about thirty Shillings Sterling each
Piece, which we took as a Present. Then he dompelled us to
take«twenty Rupees a Man on account of our Entry ; which
when we had received, we sign’d our Names to a Paper, and
he put his Seal to it. He then directly sent for the former
Droger 2 or Captain of their Artillery, and ordered him to
deliver all the Baggage and Ammuhition into our Care ; and
withal gave each of us a Seal-Ring with his Name engrated
on it : And with this we were to sign all Accounts for Expences,
and to deliver out to all the Arabian, Soldiers Powder, as often
as their Captains came and made a Demand for it, and produced
an Order for- what they had. These Accounts were every
Montlf carried in, and in such a regular manner, that he never
found fault with ©ur Conduct. He sent for his chief Master
of the Horse, and ordered him to take us down to his Stables,
which were at the Back of his Palace, there to ehuse our Horses,
which accordingly we did. They were exceeding fine Horses,
of which we had our Choice, except those that the Annabob
rode himself. His Palace 3 was very magnificent and fine, and
the Apartment where he then sat with all his Grandees and
chief Council before him, was also exceeding grand, being all
laid in Pannels of Looking-glass, set in gilt Work, and every
square Corner was set with rich Ruby-stones, in form of a
Rose, almost as large as a Half-(Jrown. He sat under an Arch,
most richly beautified with all sorts of curious Work, which
«made him appear exceeding grand ; and in the Center of this
Room, there was a fine Cistern full of clear Water, and a very
beautiful Fountain-Pipe, which, by its Force of Play caused
several Birds made of Glass to keep constantly in Motion, and
artificial Ducks and Geese seem’d diving down, and coming up
again, which was very entertaining and pleasant to the Eye.
He then ordered us a handsome Tent, which was lin’d with
red Calico, having three very good Apartments in it, with a

1 Apparently gold mohurs. a Darogha , a chief officer.

* Possibly the building described as follows by Forbes ( Oriental
M emqir 8 , vol. iii, p. 2(58) : ‘ the town is intersected by two spacious
streets, dividing it into four equal parts, meeting in the centre at a
market place, containing a square pavilion with three bold arches on
each side and a flat roof, adorned with seats and fountains.*

BETWIXT THE MOGUL, ANGRIA,* ETC.

143

Place of Entertainment in the Center, where we could receive
a large Number of People, as was required at some time ;
lor all the Arabian Captains brought their Accounts in onee
a Month for the Powder, &c. we deliver’d them. 9

SO soon as our Affairs were settled, we were conducted by
the Head Droger to the Camp, where they had pitch’d our
Tent, and there he delivered us all the Baggage and Stores,
which consisted of near 40*Waggons loaden with such things as
wdte convenient for the Supply of the Camp and Artillery. He
also delivered the 40 Pieces of Cannon into our Charge, and
three hundred Men belonging to the Artillery, which we were
to pay Monthly, and our Purwas was to go to the Annabob'x
Treasurer, there to receive every Man’s Money with ours, and to
bring it to us ; we were to sec them paid, and to send our Seals
by the Purwas to have the Receipt sealed With the Seals that
were given us ; he having had the Character of all our Names
mark’d under his own, which sav’d us a good deal of Trouble.
They called us, in their Language Topeivallers 1 Droger s ; that is
to say, the Captains of their great Guns. When we came to
our Tent, we found every thing in exceeding good Order, being
all entirely new. In the middle of the Tent were spread four
handsome Persia Carpets, and in each Apartment one Carpet
of the same, and a very handsome Couch, with two good
Quilts, very rich and fine, aijd two Pillows for each Couch,
and every tfaing else very decent. The Droger told us, he had
furnish’d our Tent according to the Aimabob's Order, and hoped
he had done it according to our Minds, and that we should not*
have any Occasion to find fault with him. .We complimented
him after their manner, and desir’d him to sit down with us,
which accordingly he did ; and tho’ ’tis against the Religion
• of the Mahometans to drink strong Liquor, yet he would, as
well as a great many more, tipple heartily. We sent a Man to
the City to fetch us some Arrack ; who brought us near
six Quarts in a great Jar foaa Rupee . We then sent for all the
Arabian Captains, and they complimented us in a handsome
Manner, and wish’d \ip much Joy. We spent the Night in
a great deal of Mirth, and the old Droger sent for the Daftcers
which usually attend 'the Camp, who entertained us wtth
1 Topwala , cannon-workers.

144 HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

Dancing after their manner. About two in the Morning all
the Annabob' s Musick came, and began to play before the
Tent-door, and to make their Compliments to us ; and when
they had done, we gave them Money according to the Direction
of the Droger , and they seem’d well satisfied. Some time after
them, came all the Arabian Drums, and beat a Point of War
in their way, and then some of them danced and played with
their Swords and Targets in an entertaining manner, for which
we also gave them Money. We never went any where, but
were always guarded, which at first we thought might be for
fear we might run away. In a day,»or two, one of our black
Serangs 1 came to us, and ask’d us if we had no Colours belonging
to our Nation ; and that as we were preferr’d to such a Post,
it woiiid be very much taken Notice of, if we did not speak to
the Annabob to order our Colours to be set up among the
Artillery ; for as the former Droger had carried his Colours
with him, they should be at a loss to find the Artillery out,
when they came again to join any other larger Army, as they
should in a very short time proeeed for Guzurat , and join
llenzeb Alicon 2 the Grand Annabob . The Purwas also told
us, it was what was proper for a Distinction to be known by ;
therefore, according to their Custom, we dressed ourselves
very clean, and took the Purwas with us, and ordered him to
write to the Annabob what he thought proper : for all Requests
are laid before their great Men in writing, for them to sign
if they approve ’em. Accordingly he ordered a Flag to be
jplaced before the Artillery, to distinguish it from any other
Part of the Camp, and three silk Colours to be carried before
us wheresoever we went ; and the Person that bore the Colours
was allowed a Horse to ride on. In this Magnificent manner
we were entertained ; and two or three days after were ordered
on the March, and set forward for Guzurat , there to join
llenzeb Alicon . Now when we came near Guzurat , we observ’d
this great Camp, which took up ,a large Extent of Ground :
The head Captain of their Artillery was a Portuguese 9 and much
in favour with the Annabob Henzeb ; we pitched our Camp very
neai* to them, and then hoisted our Flags : on sight of which,

1 A term used chiefly for the head of a lascar crew.

* Haidar Kuli Khan

145

BETWIXT THE MOGUL, ANGRIA^KTC.

they desired us to give Direction how the Camp-Flags and
others should be made. Accordingly we made one after this
manner, a large Red-Flag with a white Field in the upper
Corner, and St. George* s Cross ; and in the Flag three Canyons,
which we cut out ; this was very much admired, and in compli-
ment to them, as they all wear scollop’d Borders round their
Colours, we put the same round this, which they seem’d much
pleas’d with. The three other* Colours wefc Red, White, and
Blpe Ensigns, which were every Day flying before our Tent-
door, and they were much admir’d : For whatever Nations
come to serve the Mogul , they arc allowed to wear their proper
Colours, provided that they are in any Place of Distinction or
Preferment. We were very careful in our Beliayiour, to gain
the Applause and Good-will of the chief Officers, of •which
there are a considerable number fit to bg prefer’d on any
account ; Men of sober Conduct, and moderate in their way
of living. They entertain People of all Nations that are willing
to serve them, keep a friendly Correspondence with each other,
and are very inquisitive in all Affairs relating to foreign Parts.
They have many of the ancient Mahometan Persians in their
Service, who are a sober civilized People, and capable of giving
an exact Description of their Country. I have had them for
Hours together in my Tent, and heard from them the Accounts
of the Wars of Persia , which I have in another Tract given . 1

WE incaqtped within a MilJ and a half of the City- Gates of
Guzurat , which is a magnificent City well-peopled, and of very
great Trade. Here we went and visited the French and Dutc
Factors, # and were very civilly entertained at both. We got
Supplies from the Dutch of all such Conveniences as was most
suitable for Men in our Station ; and we were very handsomely
spoken of by the Dutch Gentlemen, when they came to pay
the Annabob their Compliments, in Acknowledgment for his
kind Favours in recovering part of their Scaffolds from the
Angrians. The Annabob entertained them with such Grandure
as became Persons of their bistinction ; and in their way they
spoke very handsomely of us, telling the Annabob that we
were Men that desefved Encouragement, and that .they

1 No trace has been fount! of the publication of any work on this subject
by Downing.

146 HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

believed the Account we had given of ourselves to be true ; so
that they thought we ought to be entertain’d according to
what they had promoted us to. They also took the Oppor-
tunity of coining to pay us a Visit, and spent a whole Day with
us, and gave us an Account of what Conversation they had
concerning us, and that they would advise us often to visit
our Annabob, and shew him the greatest Respect possible.
They likewise told us, if we could contrive any Fireworks, with
Rockets, <&c. that would be very much admir’d, and do .as
a great Piece of Service. And further to serve us, one of them
said that he had a large English Bqok concerning Gunnery,
which he would make us a Present of, if we thought it would
be of use to ue ; and when we went to return their Visit, the
Gentleman was as good as his Word, in giving us the Book,
which prov’d to bp y Capt. Slurmey's Magazine ; or, the whole
Art of Gunnery , with Directions for making all manner of Fire -
works and Dockets ; and Instructions for Sea-Gunners , and those
■in the Land-Service . l This indeed proved very serviceable to
us ; for here we had the plainest Directions in all Cases ; and
lying still near six Weeks before this Grand Army began to
move, we prepared a fine Fire-work, which was play’d off to
the Satisfaction of the Annabob , and all the chief Officers of the
Army. The Grand Army march’d near a Week before ours,
and then we were obliged to march very hard to reach the
other Camp, whom we came up Adth in about threa.Days, and
Henzeb Alicon had many Affairs to decide before he could
Qpme near to Dilley , in making up all the Accounts of the
Tribute which he had received from all the Annabob# under
his Command, and chief Sabberdaws, and other great Persons
who were often intrusted in those Affairs. We march’d with
this great Army, qpd came to several Towns and Cities belong-
ing to the Culeys, which we demolished, and took their brazen
Images, and destroyed them, if they did not pay the accus-
tom’d Tribute : But notwithstanding that, our Army would
wink at their Idolatry, if they paid a sufficient Tribute to the
•Mogul. These Culeys live in a great measure by robbing, going
in grpat Bodies, and interrupting any Merchants that are

1 t This was The Mariner's Magazine, by Samuel Sturmy, published
in Kitiy. The British Museum lias also a third edition (1GS3-4).

BETWIXT THE MOGUL, ANGRIAfc ETC. 147

passing and repassing with their Caravans, and are almost as
great Interrupters of Trade, as even Angria himself. This very
much hampers the Mogul’s Dominions ; for there is no travel-
ling amongst these Places without a great and powerful Guard ;
for they will come in the Night, and steal every thing they can
lay their Hands on. Some of their Heads are cut off almost every
Week, and put up on the City-Gates ; for they arc shewn no
manner of Favour, when*they are taken in any numbers.

^ITIE Grand Mogul was now in a sad Condition, the Zamme-
locks , (a Malccontent part of his own Subjects) striving to
dethrone him, the Culeyp always at War with him, and the
Grand Sedey and Angria coming to make Demands on his
Subjects, and imposing very much on them, not suffering their
Trade to pass and repass without being interrupted. For
Angria now bearing the chief Sway in all respects, they con-
stantly kept great Parties passing and repassing in the Country,
which put almost a total Stop to their Trade, and kept all the
Crops back. Ilenzeb Alicon. was apprehensive that he should
be disgraced at his Return to Dilley , for what he had done
contrary to the Mogul’s Order ; which was the reason he
avoided going thither, tho’ the Mogul sent for him to come
with all Expedition. He therefore artfully finished the
Accounts of several great OlTicers, had received the Tribute
they had collected ; and obliged them to make up all their
Monthly Accounts for the Expence of the Army, in order to
lay them before the Mogul. Furnished with those Accounts,
and laden with a vast Quantity of Tribute Money, he resolved
to venture to Dilley , guarded by a strong Party of his best
Soldiers ; leaving the Command of the Army to Ruslram ,
during his Absence. When he came to Dilley , and presented
his Accounts to the Mogul, and gave his • Reasons for not
marching with his own Army against Angria, the Mogul
approving of his Conduct in all things, confer’d greater Posts
of Honour on him, and at the same time ordered him to return,
and march his Army against the Zammelocks , who grew very
powerful, but had lately drawn off his Army from the high*
Road to Dilley, an dnever once offered to stop Henzeb At icon,
or any that belong’d td him. But this was thought to be dune
as a Compliment to Henzeb , in hopes that he would not have

148 HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

come into the Mogul’s Measures. But the Zammelock ' s Policy
fail’d him here.

WE march’d no further than Angerah 1 with "our Annabob ,
but were by the Mogul’s Orders ordered back ; for we were
a long time on the March, and sometimes lay a Week or
a Fortnight in one Place ; during which time, the Punvas
were daily employed in making up their Accounts, and carrying
them in to the chief Secretary, 'and ‘they delivering the same
to the Annabob , who would examine them very strictly, and
demand an Account of things remaining in store, and how long
the Stores might probably last. #

THE Mogul had received fresh Complaints from Surat of
the Angrians returning and plundering the Country. He had
prefer’d some of his white Men to be great Officers, and had
seated them on Elephants in order for their giving Direction
for the cannonading several Towns or Villages belonging to
the neighbouring Princes, which frightned the Inhabitants
out of the same, leaving their Granaries full of all sorts of
Grain or Rice, and Horse-meat, with great Store of Cattle, <Scc.
all which they would send down to their own Dominions, with
a strong Guard. At this time we had great Offers from the
head Droger of Henzeb Alicon to leave our first Place of Service,
and to come and serve his Master : He offered us the same
Wages, and ten Rupees a Month more, provided we would
leave Rustram , and that we should have as good* Horses as
were allowed us at present. We were in the mind several times
tip have gone, as there was in Ilenzeb '' s Service near 100
Christians, about twenty of them English , and some pf them
very sober sedate Men, who lived very regular Lives, and
whose Conversation might be diverting to us, during the time
we were with the. Camp. Our Marches were now vdry hard
every Day, and the time of the Heats coming on, which dry up
many of the Springs, we were drove to great Straits for Water
for the Army, and obliged some Qays to march near twelve
Miles before we could incamp so as to get Water for the Soldiers,
‘and the Cattle, which in an Army of 50 or 60000 Men are not
a few*; and almost as many more Women and Children that
followed the Camp, with all sorts of Merchandize.

1 Possibly Anjha, about fifty miles north of Ahmadabad.

BETWIXT THE MOGUL, ANOHIN, ETC.

140

NOW the two Brothers Susurah AUcon 1 and Rustram AH con
were ordered to join their Armies together, and march in quest
of the Angridns. After a March of several Days we came in
sight of them, and prepared to engage. This we did early in
the Morning, when the Angrians made a fierce Attack on us,
and press’d very hard to gain an advantageous Ground on our
left ; but our Men defended themselves so well, that they
could not force them ; and our Cannon being under Cover,
that they could not discern them, we having the proceeding
Night threw up Breast- works, surpriz’d them on a sudden,
and made a great Slaughter among their left Wing, and put
their whole Army in confusion. On this they retired in great
Disorder, and we pursued, making a great Slaughter, and
taking many Prisoners, till we were weary of killftig and
pursuing ; and then encamp’d on the Field of Battle till next
Morning. Our Generals resolved to improve the present lucky
Opportunity, and pursued them again the next Morning, but
could only just get a sight of part of them, they retreating
with the utmost Precipitation towards their own Dominions.
We then burned several of their Towns, and put both Men,
Women, and Children to the Sword, the Annabobs riding
amongst the Soldiers to see that they were not dilatory, but
expeditious in cutting off all that were of human Race. These
inhuman Proceedings I no ways approv’d of, for I imagined
it would Have been far more generous to have given them
Quarter. Here our Annabobs mu«h commended our good
Behaviour, and acknowledged the great Service wc had done
them, and made us several valuable Presents.

WE now had drove the Angrians into their own Dominions,
and done them more Damage than wc could have promised
ourselves. Yet they rallied their scatter’d Forces in a Few
Days, and came and incamp’d within a few Miles of us ; being,
as we were inform’d, reinforc’d by a large Number of Forces,
who had been some time ob the March to join them. While we
lay thus, the Angrians would come in the Night and steal the
very Horses out of opr Camp, and go off with them undis*
covered ; for they were as great Thieves as the Culeys ; but of
more Courage, and rea*dy to undertake any Enterprize how&vcr
1 Shuja at Khan. Tho j was pronounced as z.

150 HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

hazardous. Nay, one of them came one Night and entered
our Annabob's Tent, in the dead of the Night when the Guards
were a slumbering, and stole the Annabob' s "Gold Pipe he
smoak’d his Tobacco in.

NOW lying so near each other, we had five Deserters which
came from Angria , three English , one Dutch, and one Portu-
guese ; they had been Companions with Plantain on the Island
of Madagascar. These Men iflade # us very uneasy at their
first coming ; for we did not dare say what they were, for fear
of having a private Mischief done us ; so they came to us the
next Day, and would not own that they came from Angria
at that time, but from Surat , in order to take on in the Mogul’s
Service. Amongst these was one John Davis, a Fellow that
profesSed a great deal of Joy for his Escape from them, and
related to us all their Proceedings, and gave us the Account
of Plantain' s conquering the Island of Madagascar, and of his
leaving it in the manner before related. However, our Annabob
would not entertain them without our Approbation, and said
he did not look on them to be Men deserving of the Wages
which we had, neither did we think proper to let them know
what our Pay was ; so that they were in a short time willing
to accept of any thing, till they had shew’d their Behaviour.
They agreed with us for 30 Rupees per Month, and by the
Annabob were told that they were to obey all Orders they
should receive from us, and to lie diligent, otherwise he would
discharge them out of the Service. Wc were not afraid of tlicir
iiot behaving well in the time of Action, but that they would
prove treacherous, and not discharge their Pieces with the
Expedition they were capable of. The Annabob gave them
a very decent Tent, fitted with all proper Necessaries. When
we found that the Men were sincere, and that they were sorry
for what they had done, and glad to embrace this Opportunity
of getting away from Angria, having fully resolved never to
lead such a Life again, we assisted them to the utmost of our
power. They were with us near four Months ; and before
they left us, they came in a handsome manner to acquaint us,
that «t hey had a mind to proceed for Dilley, and from thence to
Bengal. They did not come empty handed ; for they brought
Bag and Baggage with them. They were well furnish’d with

151

BETWIXT THE MOGUL, ANGRL*, ETC

good things which they carried along with them, wc having
no Authority to call them to any account. I heard afterwards,
that Davis wduld never come down to Colcuty 1 or Fort William ,
nor to any Place where the English had any Settlement ; but
fix’d himself among the Portuguese , with whom he continues
to this Day, if alive ; for he there married a Woman of good
Fortune and Beauty. The Dutchman and the Portuguese
did the same, and left 5ff lighting by Land or by Sen. This
Davis gave me the aforesaid Account concerning the Behaviour
of Plantain , and of the Death of Mr. Christopher Lisle, whom
Plantain killed before \ne had been gone a Week. He told me
further, that if Plantain had not tyrannized so much over the
Inhabitants, they should never have quitted the Island ; but
that as they grew sickly, and were but few in Numbfr ; and
so well knew the Temper of the Natives, that they would soon
have rose on them, they thought it most prudent to get away.
I then asked him, how they came to have the Notion of going
into AngrieC s Service, and whether Angria put much Confidence
in Plantain ? He said, he did, and that he was intrusted in
almost all the Affairs belonging to the Grabs and Gulley- wilts.
I then asked him, how it came that he and the rest of them
were sent out with the Land-Army ? He said, that they
enquired amongst them who was willing to go ; there was no
Body forc’d, and they were offered an equal Share of the
Plunder. <% I asked him, what Wages Angria gave them ? He
said, the Wages they were allowed were scarce sufficient to
procure them Necessaries ; but when they took a Prize of any
sort, or brought in any Tribute, three Quarters was divided
amongst the whole Army, according to what Post and Degree
they were in : But even the common sort of them shar’d very
well ; ior that he did not do by them as some of our English
Commanders do, to run away with what the meaner sort of
People should have : For he must be a very great Man that
has three Shares to himscJf, and none but the Head Sabbcrtlaw
was allowed four Shares. I then asked him, in what Method
he received them wfyen they came first on shore ? He said,
the Dutchman , that they took out of the Indiaman in tin? Surat
Merchants Service, Was the chief Cause of their coming to
1 Calcutta.

152 HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

Angria , and that they were receiv’d at first by the Sabberdaw
in a very surly manner, who brought down a Body-Guard
with him to the Water-side, who presented their ^Pieces to their
Breasts ; on which Plantain was so presumptuous as to pull
out his Pistol and present it at the Sabberdaw , telling him that
he and hi» Companions came to serve their Master : And the
Dutchman speaking, the Kenereys Language, they soon came
to understand one another. That the Sabberdaw then took
them up to the Guard-House, and there secured them till
Night, till he had an Answer from Angria concerning them ;
who sent word that lie would not have any of them ill treated ;
for if they were come to serve him, they were welcome ; and
ordered them *to be brought up to him, by whom they were
magnificently entertain’d.

DAVIS further fnform’d me, that there still remained with
Angria , four Dutchmen , three English , and two Portuguese ,
who were very daring and resolute Fellows ; one of the English
and a Portuguese had resolved to have come with them, but
over-sleeping themselves, after they had waited as long as
possible for them, and finding they did not come to the Place
appointed, they came away without them. Having a Pocket
Compass, and a dark Lanthorn with them, by that means they
came clear off without any manner of Suspicion, the Night
being so dark that they could nqt perceive a Star in the Sky.
When they came near our Out-Guards, the Portuguese speaking
the Moors Language very well, called out to the Centinels on
Buty, who alarm’d the Guard, and they came and surrender’d
themselves in a submissive manner. Our Annabob ftas not
very inquisitive after them, for he was indifferent whether
they had took on in the Service or no. 4

BUT to return :* The Armies having lain some time in sight,
we got all things in order to engage, and early in the Morning
we begun to make our Cannons roar, and having soihe Coe-
horns, we sent a few of our Hand-Grenadoes amongst them,
which they did not like. This we continued for some time,
till each Party advanc’d Sword in Hand, and there ensued
a smtfrt Engagement : At first the Angrians seem’d to gain
Groftnd, and put part of our Troops into Disorder ; but our
Annabob putting himself at the Head of some of his best

BETWIXT THE MOGUL, ANGRIAj ETC.

153

Arabian Foot, repelled them with a great Slaughter. On this,
we perceived them in the utmost Confusion retreating, which
wc suffered them to do, our Men being thoroughly fatigued
by the Heat of the Sun, and the length of the Action.

THE Angrians continued retreating out of the Mogul’s
Dominions, and the Season coming on for the Army to go into
Winter-Quarters, we were ordered to march for Guzurat , to
refresh and recruit. When we arrived there, having had some
Wdrds between ourselves, Mr. John Lyon quitted the Mogul’s
Service, and was coming down for Brodurah , just as the Dutch
Scaffolds were setting out* for Broach again. They then were
well guarded, for fear of lighting into the Enemies Hands. So
soon as they were near setting forward, Angria\ People well
judging the Times and Seasons of the Year for these SKips to
take in their Cargoes at Surat , they sent part of their Army
with a Design to intercept them. Mr. Lyon was then just
arrived at Brodurah , in order to proceed for Surat , and join’d
company with the Gentleman that had the Care of the Dutch
Scaffold, and a Dutch Factor. These Gentlemen im braced the
Opportunity of his Company, being obliged at that time to
return back, and lie near three Months at Brodurah , before
they could venture down with their Goods. These Hardships
on the Merchants deaden’d the Trade so much, that the
Citizens were in a poor Condition, and applied to the chief
Annabobs ttf dispatch Pattimars with all Expedition to the
Mogul, to desire stronger Parties of Sokliers might be employed
between the Cities of Broach , Surat , and Guzurat ; for tin*
Enemy had boldly come up to Hugely Sea?, 1 where they had
done great Damage, and plundered some of the Inhabitants,
rifled thc # Mufti’s House, took away all the Treasure they could
find, and brought away his Wives. They likewise burnt all the
Mosques belonging to the Town, and pull’d down all the Tombs
which were erected over those Annabobs who had formerly been
buried there with all the Honours due to them for their good
Behaviour in routing the Sedey’s Army. It was now Winter ;
and notwithstanding thp Rains were very violent, Angria's Army
kept the Field ; and as Weather would offer, they frequently
made Inroads far into the Country ; the Mogul’s Army ne>er
1 Identified later as Nariad.

154

HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

offering to stir from their Quarters, till the Rains were near over.
So soon as the Rainy Season was past, fresh Recruits were sent
from the Scdcy, and Detachments from Angrid * s Forces at
Goltiby ; with which Reinforcement they resolved to push on the.
War against the Mogul. Between Jirodurah and Concas is a very
large Smear and Chockey-House , l which is in the Nature of our
Turnpikes ; wherp all Carriages are lodg’d, and People in
Coaches, on Horseback, or with Camels, pay a Toll, according
to the Difference of their Carriage. This Smear is a piace
surrounded with a four square Wall, and a strong pair of Gates
in the Front ; in the inside there arc built Piazzas and small
Rooms above and below, with Galleries all round for the
Convenience of going to the Chambers. These Places arc built
on the Road at the Mogul’s Expcnce, ibr the Benefit of travel-
ling Merchants, fln the Square in the Inside there are Accom-
modations for about a hundred and fifty Waggons, and the
Cattle belonging to them ; which may be stow’d and fodder’d
under the Piazzas. The Merchants keep their Goods in these
Places in very small Rooms : And here they supply Travellers
with all sorts of Grain, and Provisions for themselves, which
is very convenient on all Accounts. This Smear between*
Brodurali and Concas , the Angrians invested with a strong
Party ; having a Suspicion that part of the Dutch Scaffold or
Caravan was lodged in the Inside of it ; they were therefore
resolved to beat it down, if possible ; to which ^purpose they
brought their Cannon tft play upon the Walls. But they being
•very small, made no great Impression on them ; it being the
Method in those Parts to make their Walls very tlii<5k. After
they had continued their Fire for some time with very little
effect, they brought their Cannon before the Gates H and kept
a perpetual fire *, but if they had fir’d the Gates down, they
could not possibly have succeeded ; for they had filled the
Gateway up with great Stones, which they generally kept in
one Corner of the Place for that purpose. In the mean time,
the Garrison from the Tops of the Walls kept a smart fire on
them with their Matchlock Pieces, ai\d shot continually with
theft Bows and Arrows, and killed and wounded a considerable

* Chauki, a police or customs station. Under the form of ‘ chokey *
the word has passed into English slang as a synonym for ‘ prison *.

BETWIXT THE MOGUL, ANGRIAj ETC.

155

Number of their Men : Insomuch that they were at last
forced to leave the Place, and retire to a greater Distance.
But as this Place lay in the high Road belonging to the Mogul
they were resolved to continue near it, and to stop all mfinner
of Commerce from Town to Town. Most of the Country Towns
and Villages, which managed the Farming Business, and all
sorts of Husbandry, did all they could to $et their Corn, and
all other sorts of Grain into the Cities, where they also retired
themselves. There is a People in these Parts call’d Fvchees ,’
who forsake all worldly Riches, and voluntarily embrace
Poverty. These People often attempt dangerous Knterprizes,
in great respect to their Prophet Mahomet , rather than they
will suffer their Country to be overrun by thos'e whom they
despise as the worst of Animals ; at the time of the ifairam,
they gathered a great Number together, arid were resolved to
go as Volunteers to do their utmost to drive the Angriam out
of their Country, and accordingly march’d to reinforce the
Army quartered at and near Guzurat.

NOW the time of the Bairam 2 being over, the Mogul sent
down a new head Annabob, called Shohomet , 3 and with him
a large Army, both Horse and Foot, which he kept at his own
Expence, the more to ease his Subjects. This General was
but a Dwarf of a Man to look at, and yet had Terror in his
Countenance. He was a Mai^ of great Conduct, and was sent
down as Prfticc of the Province of Guzurat , which belong’d by
Seniority to Susurah , Rnstram Alicnn's eldest Brother ; so
that they both took great Disgust at it, and would not joilt
their AiYnies with his ; but resolved with, all their Forces to
march after the Culeys , being well assured that they could
encrease^their Store, and raise great Tribute by following them.
They quickly drew off all their Forces, and went to the North-
ward with their Army ; and coming on the Borders of Carmenia 4

1 Fakirs.

2 The great Bairam festival ftll in 1723 at the end of August, according
to the current English reckoning.

3 [Shah ?] Hamid Khan. # As explained in the introduction, he had been

appointed, not by the Emperor, but by the Nizam-ul-Mulk ; and his
arrival is here much postdated. ^

4 Called ‘ Carmenay ’ on a later page. It is not clear what place is
intended.

150

HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

we had there several Skirmishes with the Culeys , and demo-
lished several of their Towns and Villages.

IN the mean time Shohomet pursued the Angrians , but not
being acquainted with those Parts, soon got himself almost in
the midst of his Enemies, who had near surrounded him. This
General had 30 Pieces of Cannon with his Army, but had very
indifferent Engineers to direct them. The Angrians came so
furiously on them Sword in Hand, that ’twas with Difficulty
they stood their first Onset. The Angrians repeated the
Attack with such Vigour ; that after a Dispute of three Hours,
the Moguls were forced to retreat, their General being wounded ;
which they did in some Confusion, leaving all their Baggage
behind them*. For while the Armies were engaged, a Party
fell upon some part of their Baggage, and took the Annabob's
Women. These Tadics were accounted the most beautiful
of all those Parts, being Natives of Dilley , where the Inhabi-
tants are fair, and the Women noted for fine Features. These
Ladies were sent to Gercy , and secured in a strong Castle ;
Angria often visiting of them. As Angria is a Coffer ey Negro,
there is nothing more Aversion to the Moguls than a Cofferey,
that is not a Mahometan ; for they have divers Arabian
Coffereys in their Service, whom they have prefer’d to great
Posts of Honour, and look on them to be the bravest Men in
their Army. €

THE Annabob dispatch’d Messengers to acquaint the Gover-
nor of Surat, and the chief Men there with his Misfortune, de-
siring Reinforcements and a Supply of Provisions immediately ;
and they dispatched with all speed what Forces they then
had : and there being at Surat some Dutchmen who had been
employed in the Moors Service for many Years as Epgincers ;
these Men were sent with some Pieces of Cannon, and a Party
of near 1000 Men to join their retreating Army ; and also
a Supply of Provisions, for their immediate Refreshment.
The Angrians on Advice of the Approach of this Reinforcement
advancing, thought proper to quit the Pursuit ; and the Anna-
bob march’d to Surat , where he had £ime to bemoan his ill
Fort fine, and the Loss of his Lady, and to take care for the
Cufc of his Wounds.

PA TT1MA US were directly dispatch’d to Rustram Alicon ,

157

BETWIXT THE MOGUL, ANGRIA, JETC.

and his Brother, who were obliged to come to the Assistance
of the wounded General, by express Orders from the Mogul.
We inarch’d across the Country, having always Men witli us
thoroughly acquainted with all the ways. We had a great
deal of Fatigue in getting our Cannon over the Rivers, which
is generally done by the Assistance of great flat-bottoni’d
Boats ; but the Horse frequently ford over, the Rivers being
very shallow. The Elephants always carry* the Powder across
Rivers, and all other Utensils that must not be wet. In this
Ilurry of marching, we did the Country a great deal of Damage
in some parts, where they^ had great Crops on the Ground, in
a very promising way. But the Inhabitants seem’d to make
slight of it, knowing we were after their Enemies . and that we
were endeavouring to suppress them. Our Annabob and his
Brother did not think proper to call at Surat , but march’d
towards the Dominions of the Sedey, and pitch’d their Camp
in sight of the Enemy. We kept the Musick playing all Night
long, but placed a good Guard in all proper Places. A Party
of Horse patroll’d all Night round the Artillery, which was
disposed in the most commodious Situation. The Men that
had deserted from Angria having at Guzurat left the Service,
and gone for Dilley, there were but three of us now to direct
the firing of the Cannon. After we had lain thus in sight of each
[other] for two days, on the third we were ordered to attack the
Enemy about eleven in the Mofhing ; which we did accordingly.
Their head Sabberdaw and our Annabqb Rustram , encountered
each other on Elephants, and both behaved very gallantly : y
But Fortune favouring Rustram , by a lucky Stroke with his
Sabre he cut off his Enemy’s Head. The’ Angrians at this,
were so much inraged, that they fell on with fresh Fury, and
in a rnamler run into the very Mouth of our Guns ; so that we
were obliged to do the best we could, and keep a continual
Fire with Partridge-shot, which did terrible Execution among
them. They once brought two small Cannons to play amongst
our Troops, which we soon obliged to discontinue their Fire.
The Ways from Allabeg and Gerey leading across the Mountains
are so bad, that it is alrhost impossible for any Wheel-Carriage,
if they are of any great Weight, to get along. After a Dispute
of several Hours, the Angrians retreated, with the Loss of

158 HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

many of their Men : and tho’ they got into their own Do-
minions, the Inhabitants quitted their Towns and fled to the
Mountains. We pursued them farther, and got great Store
of Cattle, part of which had been the Plunder of the Mogul
Inhabitants. We seiz’d on some of their Magazines of Corn,
and supplied ourselves with plenty of all things.

OUR Generals having given the Army some little Rest for
a few days, called f off the Parties they had sent out to raise
Tribute, and resolved to return into the Mogul’s Territories .
We destroyed several of their Temples, and took away their
Images, some of which were cast in ^Silver, and some in Brass.
There was one Temple which had in it a great Brass Image in
the habit of a Jentew Woman, which was well done, holding
a sort* of a Book in one Hand, on which were ingrav’d Jentew
Characters, and ipund her stood seven Children all cast in
Silver. In her other Hand she had a large Snake by the Neck,
part of which was twisted round her Body. I was very curious
to know whom she represented, 1 and what she had done to
merit their Worship. There was at the Door of the Temple
a large Pot of Red Paint, and another of Yellow, where they
every Morning at their coming to worship, are painted by the
Bramin or Priest with this yellow Paint, and then a red Spot
put on their Fore-head. This Place was supported on four
Pillars of Marble, and had a fine Cupola beautifully adorned
with divers sorts of Images ; yef without regard t# its Beauty,
we blew it up by order of our General.

# NOT far from this, we came to a very large Place of Worship
standing on four Stone Pillars, with a grand Cupola pver the
same, where there was the Effigies of a Man cast in Brass,
holding in each Hand a Lyon by the Throat, resembling the
Sign of the Londofi ’Prentice. 2 3 We took down the Inlage, and

1 Mr. V. P. Vaidya thinks that Ardhanarisvara (a deity representing

both Shiva and Durga) is meant.

3 I am indebted to Mr. (■. W. F. Goss^ F.S.A., for an explanation of
this allusion. A ballad popular in the seventeenth century narrated the
•adventures in Turkey of a brave London apprentice. Having slain a
Turkish prince, he was condemned to be eatefi by two lions ; but when
the beasts ran at him, he thrust his arms intotfieir throats and tore out
theft hearts. (This seems to reflect the old story of the manner in which
Richard i gained his title of Coeur-de-Lion.) There is still a public-

BETWIXT THE MOGUL, ANGRIA, ETC. 159

all the Brass-work, and then set our Elephants to demolish
the Fabrick ; which they soon did. This done, we proceeded
to the Camp, and our Annabob ordered us with the Artillery
to march toward Broach with all possible speed, and xyt to
pitch till we came up with the rest of the Army, which we soon
did. The next Morning early we were on the March, and in few
Hours got to the River-side, where we incamp’d* for near
a Week, and sent all our* sick* and woundfcd People down to
Branch, The Country was soon made acquainted with the
News of our Anabob's having cut off AngricCs chief Sabberdmv's
Head, and that their Army, and most of the Inhabitants of
the Country, had fled to the Mountains for Shelter, where we
could not pretend to follow them. .

WHEN Angria heard that his head Sabberdaw was killed,
and his Army routed, he sent to the Scdey 4 to the liodger of
Canvar , and to Kemshew, desiring immediate Succours ; and
resolved to have an Army in the Field that should not easily
be conquered. He also sent to the Rodger of Mangalore for
Aid, but he refused to send him any, on account that the Moors
were of great Service to him against the Malabars , and great
Traders with his Subjects ; likewise they had a Fort which
commanded all the Harbour. This Refusal so enraged Angria ,
that he sent to Kemsheiv, desiring him to send an Army against
the Rodger of Mangalore, But his Dominions being pretty
large, the People of a warlikfe Disposition, and an Army of
20000 Men ready to oppose any Invader ; Kemshew thought
proper to excuse himself from this Undertaking. He sent to #
acquaint^ Angria, that he had so far weakened his Forces in
supplying of him, that he could not raise an Army strong
enough to encounter the Rodger,

AFTER we had refreshed our Army for some time, we
march’d away for Brodurah, where our Annabob resolved to
spend a Month or two at ease. So soon as we came there, he

house in Old Street, Hoxton, named the ‘ London Prentice The present
building is modern, and has no sign ; but its ancient predecessor dis-
played k a large and ilarnin^sign of the London apprentice, with his arms
thrust up to the elbows into the mouths of two angry looking lftms ’.
{Tavern Anecdotes, 1875.) *Mr. Vaidya suggests that the image was&ne
oE Kfila-I5hairft ,a and his dogs (not lions).

160

HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

dispatch’d a Pntlimar to Dilley with the Head of the Sabberdaiv
pack’d up in an earthen Vessel, to be there set up on a high
Spear in the Front of the City-Gates. This Conquest was so
accepjablc to the Mogul , that he complimented him in a Letter
writ with his own Hand, and advanc’d him to the Title of a
Prince of the Province of Broach , as well as that of Brodurah.

THESE* uncommon Favours from the Mogul , did very much
inflame the Ambition of our Armabob , who was resolv’d to be
diligent in opposing the Angricuns to the utmost of his Powf r.
In the mean time Susurah , was a little displeased to think,
that the Mogul should so far promote his Brother, and take
no notice of him, who had been in several Engagements, and
always applaqdcd. ShohomeV s Army still lay encamp’d round
Surat f9 nnd most of their sick and wounded, being recovered,
had left the Towg, and took to their Tents in the Camp.
Shohomet was also recovered of his Wounds, and made great
Preparations to invade the Sedey’s Dominions : On the other
hand, Angria was raising a powerful Army in the Sedey’s
Territory, as well as his own. He sent word to the Camp of
the Grand Annabob , desiring the favour of him to wait at
Surat , till he sent some of his best Men to conduct him out of
the Country, and that he would soon be with him, and did not
fear having some of the Mogul’s Generals Heads on his Castle-
walls before two Months end ; and hoped to make himself
Master of the City of Surat before the Season wa^over. This
put the Governor of Surat into some Apprehension, and he
grdered several large Pieces of Cannon to be placed on the
City Walls, and to have the Guards strongly reinforc’d, and
oiliccr’d with Men* of the best Conduct. At this time they
offered any Money for Englishmen who should take on in their
Service, and there being a great many Mates of Ships and
others at Surat , who were out of Business, the Merchants not
caring to send any Vessels down the Coast for fear of /Lngria'x
Grabs, the English Consul sent to acquaint the Governor of
the City of Surat , that he should not want for any Assistance
•he could afford him ; and the Dutch did the same.

WJTH the new-raised Forces and Recruits, Angria's Army
wag said to consist of near 50000 Men* Horse and Foot, with
forty Elephants of War. On these Elephants he had placed

BETWIXT TIIE MOGUL, AN GRI A ,j ETC . lttl

several small Swivel Guns, which proved of great Service to
him, and we had several of our Elephants that had the same.
Upon Advice Of his being upon the March, our Annabob and
his brother was ordered to join the other Army, and to assist
each other as much as possible. On which account wc march'd
from Broach in order to join the other Armies, and pitch’d our
Camp on the North-side of the River of Surat . When the
Armies were join’d, the Ahnabftbs did not much care to march
toe* far from the City, but kept within four or five Miles of it,
where they began to throw up strong Breast- works before their
Camp, and to make stroyg Redoubts to prevent their being
surprized by the Enemy. The Governor of Surat sent out
several Pieces of Cannon to the Camp, and one great Mortar-
piece which had never been used all the time the Moots had
had it. The Enemy’s Army now advanc’d within sight of us,
and began to intrench themselves so near, that our Mortar-
piece threw several Shells among them during the Night. This
gall’d them so much, that they were in continual Motion,
endeavouring to shift from the Places where our Shells lighted.
’Twas a Dutch Engineer, belonging to the Dutch Factory, who
had the Direction of this Mortar. The first Night it did them
considerable Damage, and killed three of their Elephants
on the Spot, and wounded three more, whereby they were
render’d uncapablc of doing them any Service. In the mean
time we were very busy in discharging our Cannon both Day
and Night, and made use of our Coefcorns for throwing great
Numbers of Granadocs among their advanc’d Parties, which*
gall’d th$m very much. They also kept a strong Fire on us,
and made several Motions as if they design’d to attack our
Intrenchments ; but did not dare to undertake it. By keeping
a perpetdal fire with our Mortar for some nights successively,
it split, and killed and wounded several of our Men on the Spot.
When the Enemy observ’d this, and the Damage which the
Mogul sustain’d by this Accident, they resolved the next Day
to make an Attempt to force our Camp. To this end they
attack’d the left Wing of the Army commanded by Susurah
our Annabob’s Brother, who bravely defended himself,* and
after an Engagement of three hours, the Enemy not being able
to penetrate the Lines, retired. At this Attack an Englishman

M

162 HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

in our Service was killed, it being the second Day of his coming
into the Service, accompanied with two others. On which
account our Annabob ordered 500 Rupees to bef divided among
us, in Acknowledgment of his good Behaviour, and sent him
to Surat , to be buried in the English Burying- Ground, which
was done with great Decency.

OUR Ammunition began to grow very scarce, as wc had
kept almost a continual fire oh the? Angrians for some time ;
and our Annabobs were expecting a fresh Supply from
Guzurat , where the Magazines were generally well stor’d. For
this reason we slacken’d our fire ; but the Enemy could not
readily judge the meaning of it. About this time there
happened a smart Skirmish between the Fuchees in our Army,
and part of the Enemy. The Fuchees having Notice that
there were three Pieces of Cannon placed on the right of the
Enemy’s advanc’d Guard, march’d privately in the Night
with a design to bring them off. They first seiz’d the Ccntinels,
and then the Cannon ; they likewise got about 40 head of their
Cattle, and were driving them off. Upon this, the Camp being
alarm’d, a large Number of the Enemy attack’d them, and
several were kill’d and wounded on both sides. But however,
they brought off the Cannon and Cattle into our Camp. These
Cannon the Fuchees always kept with them as Trophies of
their Success. The Annabob , to encourage them, made a
great Entertainment for them, and gave a large Sum of
Money among them. *

# THREE days alter, the Angrians put themselves in motion
with a design to force our Entrenchments. To thrs end, a
large Body of Foot, supported by some Horse, advanc’d
towards us. Whereupon we drew up our Forces in order to
oppose them ; and a Party of our Men, on seeing one of their
Sabberdaws on an Elephant near our Lines, advanc’d forward,
dismounted him, and brought him Prisoner into the Camp.
This Sabberdaw being brought to the Grand Annabob , he
order’d his Head to be struck off, and set up on the Walls of
1 Surat , where his own Party might take a View of it. This
highly incens’d the Sabberdaw that succeeded him, who
received to be revenged, if possible.

TWO or three days before this, we had received a fresh

i6a

BETWIXT THE MOGUL, ANGRIA | ETC.

Supply of Ammunition from Guzurat , which happened very
luckily ; for the Enemy attack'd our Camp with such Fury,
early in the Morning, that both Armies were entirely engag’d.
Our Lines were forc’d in several Places, and Summit the
Brother of Rustram Alteon was taken, and sent the next Day
with a strong Guard to the Seeley's Fort. Notwithstanding
this, our Men still behaved with great Courage ; but our
Generals having placed scfveraf Mines in different Parts of the
Camp, ordered our Men to retreat to a proper distance, and the
Angrians pursuing, the Mines were sprung, and blew up great
Numbers of them, with tjiree of their Elephants. This caused
such a Consternation among them, that they retired from our
Lines in the utmost Confusion, our Men pursuing in their
Turn, but so much fatigued with the hard Service of thb Day,
that our Generals ordered them to return t» our Camp. Near
1)00 Men, beside Horses and Elephants, were supposed to be
destroyed by our Mines : but what the whole Loss amounted
to, I cannot be particular in. After they had tortured Susurah
in a barbarous manner, they struck off his Head, and. fix’d it
on a Pole, on the Fort- Wall belonging to the Sedey, by way
of Retaliation for what was done to their Sabberdaiv. 1

THE continual Disturbances in these Countries brought
on a great Scarcity of all sorts of Grain ; we were obliged to
send to distant parts of the Country for Supplies for the
Camp, the Soldiers being in 1 great Want, and not able to
perform their Duties for want of Sustenance. At this time
Rice, which is commonly sold for a Half-penny a Pound, was
sold for jB’our-pence, and other Provisions proportionably dear.
The common People were obliged to cat Yams, which they
generally in this Country fatten their Horses with, and the
Portuguese fatten their Hogs. The Army suffered very much
for Want ; as to the City, it had been customary to keep great
Stores in Ware-houses, to support the Inhabitants in time of
Scarcity ; so that notwithstanding the Army was in great
want, they would only now and then send out a little for their
Subsistance. This caused a great Resentment among the 1

•

1 Shuja‘at Khan did no^ meet his death in the way here narrated. ^He
was slain in November 1724 while fighting against Hamid Khan, who
was aided by the Mar at has.

M 2

104 HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

Soldiers ; who said, as they came there to defend the City,
they ought to do by them as by themselves, otherwise they
would throw down their Arms and return to the Places of
theirJNfativity, and there die with their Families, which would
be more eligible, than to fight for those who with-held from
them the common Necessaries of Life. There are no Laws
here to punish Mutiny or Desertion ; but if a Man does not
care to serve any' longer, he 'is at his liberty to leave the
Service, and to do as he thinks proper. If a Party of Sold/ers
in the Mogul's Service are at any time short of Money on their
March to any part of the Country, they are allowed to go to
any of the responsible Inhabitants of any Village, and there to
take what is due to them at that time for their Service. And
in case they require more, they sign Notes of Hand for the
Money they receive, which the Merchants or Brokers send
directly to the next Devan, 1 Catwall, or other Magistrate
belonging to the Mogul, who takes care to forward the same
to the regular Annabob to whom these Soldiers properly
belong, who deducts the same from their Pay. The Money
is paid at sight of the Note, and look’d on there as firm as any
Notes we negociate in England . They are also allowed great
Liberties in all other respects, paying no Taxes whatever.
Many of the Mogul’s Soldiers are Men of Estates, and out of
Ambition go Volunteers, finding all their own Materials for
the Service of the Campaign ; dnd if they fall in«Battle, their
Estates go to the next flcir, and the Mogul sends his proper
, Officers to see all things decided with Equity and Justice. If
a Man be indebted to divers Persons, and is wortfy Money,
but refuses Payment, they never do there as here, make a
Seizure of his Person, but appeal to the head Magistrate of
the District, whq sends the CatwalVs Officers, and they take
Possession of his Effects : Then they send for all his Creditors,
and sell for ready Money so much of his Goods or Chattels as
his whole Debts amount to, if he ^las no ready Money in the
House ; if he has, they will allow his Goods to stand, and
# take the Money and pay every Creditor so far as is his just
Due< But if a Person imposes on the ‘Publick so three times,
then they seize him, and cut off his right Ear, to distinguish
1 Diwan . 4 Catwall ' is Kotwdl (head of police).

i

j BETWIXT THE MOGUL, ANGRIA J ETC. 165

him as a common Cheat ; after which, he is seldom or never
trusted in the way of dealing.

WHEN I was at Guzurat , there happened a very strange
Accident to a young Merchant : The Case was this. A young
Mahometan Persian came with his Uncle from Persia to he
educated in mercantile Affairs. When they came to Guzurat,
the young Gentleman toqk a great Ilousa, and a number of
Servants ; telling his Uncle he liked the Place so much, that
he would fix his Residence there ; wherefore he desired him
to deliver all the Effects which his Father had given into his
Custody, and the next Ybar when his Uncle came, he would
let him see the Improvements he should make. The Uncle
approving his Kinsman’s Proposal, readily agreed to his
Request ; and sent a Letter to his Father, who lived at
Ispahan in Persia , and was looked on as the* most considerable
Dealer in that Part of the Empire, giving him an Account of
this. The Uncle made what Returns he thought proper on
his own Effects, being the most the Market afforded, and
bought up other Merchandize, which he carried to Persia with
the first Caravan. The Kinsman resolved to sell his Goods
by Retail, they fetching double that way, to what they do in
the other. He went to all the Coffee-houses, and publick
Places, and published himself a Retailer of the richest Goods
of Persia . The News of this* soon came to the Mufti, who
had two beautiful Daughters : These Ladies hearing of the
great Choice this young Merchant ha*H, they took an Oppor-
tunity to come in their Coach, being closely veil’d, and under*
the care' of two Eunuchs. They were -conducted into a
magnificent Parlour, where they according to Custom seated
themselves on a Carpet. The young Man being diligent in his
way, laid before these Ladies so great a Variety of all sorts of
Silks, that they could not tell well where to make their Choice.
Sir, said one of them, you have glutted our sight with so much
Variety, that we are at a Stdnd, and do not know how to make
any Choice either to please ourselves, or for your Benefit. ,
Lady, said he, let a little time fix your Fancy, according to
your Inclinations ; ancj as you have seen great Choice, take
some other Opportunity to come and please yourselves, ^n
the mean time, please to let me present each of you with a

1 l

ICC HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

rich Piece of Silk of my Fancy, which if you return again, and
do not approve of it, I will not require any thing of you. The
Ladies were something surprized at his generous Offer, and
accepted his Courtesy with many Compliments ; and before
they took their Leave, refreshed themselves with some Rose-
water, according to Custom. During the time of their Stay,
they were very mej-ry, and would often throw up tlicir Veils.
This Discovery of the Ladies Beauty so enflam’d the Heart of
our young Merchant, that he began to be enamour’d witli it,
and to make Enquiries who they belong’d to. His Servant
told him, that they were the Grand Mufti’s Daughters, and
the only two he had, being very fond of them ; and that they
were Virgins, r that as yet had never been pledged to any one.
This caused the young Merchant to be still more in love ; and
the time they wcfre absent, tho’ but a few Days, made him
very uneasy till he saw them again. Now both these Sisters
were equally enamour’d with this young Merchant, and soon
became jealous of one another ; which was a Passion, before
their Knowledge of him, they never were acquainted with.
But they still carried on a sisterly Correspondence with each
other as usual ; tho’ the one was a little more crafty than the '
other, but were so much alike in Person, that when they were
separate they could scarce be distinguished, but by their
Names. In a short time the^ returned to our young Mer-
chant’s, and brought Money with them to pay~for what he
had chose foT them ; which they insisted on. They soon fell
•into a familiar Conversation, when the Merchant requested
them to partake of a small Collation of Sweetmeats, and to
refresh themselves with a Glass or two of the Ispahan Water.
They readily agreed to this kind Offer, and then tfyey pulled
off their Veils ; ‘which discovered so much Beauty, that he
was almost astonish’d at the Sight. The Gaiety of the one,
and the Gravity of the other, which seem’d to ifiake the
other’s Mirth the more agreeable, <■ soon passed the time away
till it was late at Night. The eldest took all Opportunities to
remark the Behaviour of the Merchant and her Sister, and
seeiA’d confirm’d in her Opinion, that she had gain’d a Con-
qif&st over him ; on which she resolved to get her out of the
way. They took leave, and returned to their Father, in all

I BETWIXT THE MOGUL, ANGRIA^ ETC. * 'lOT

Appearance very good Friends. But the next Day the elder
Sister took an Opportunity of infusing Poison into some
Sherbet, which her Sister drank, and died suddenly. The
Mufti was much concerned for the Loss of his Daughter, and
the Sister pretended great Grief for the same. However, she was
soon buried, according to the Ceremony observed at tlje Funeral
of noble Virgins in those Parts, after a magnifieent manner.
They kept the time of thefr Mohrning for forty Days, and then
the Lady came abroad. The Merchant living at a distance
from them, did not hear of this tragical Story for some time.

WHEN the time of the* Mourning was expired, the surviving
Lady came to the Merchant in her usual Gaiety, affecting all
the Deceas’d’s Actions ; and, as was said before* they were so
much alike that none could distinguish them, but by their
Names. She bought several valuable Things that she fancied,
and was well delighted in the Merchant's Company ; who
could not forbear expressing his Passion to her. This was
much to her Satisfaction, this Lady being now the only
Daughter, and her Father very ancient. Upon an Invitation
from the Merchant, she condescended one Night to come to
Supper with him ; for tho’ unmarried Women have Eunuchs
to attend them, if they are not confirmed to any Man, they have
the Liberty of disposing of themselves as they please. As she
had promis’d to give the Merchant her Company, she dressed
herself in her richest Attire", and during the time of their
amorous Discourse, she gave him a ,very rich Pearl Necklace
off her Neck, and desired him to preserve it for her Sake^
which he promised : and in return, accordingly made her a
rich Present. The Merchant having now sold off most part
of his Goods, and got a vast deal of ready Money in the House ;
his Servants, who knew this well enough,, and who had for
some time defrauded him, resolved to murder him, and seize
his Effects. This they effected soon after the Lady was gone,
by strangling him in his J3ed ; they then pack’d up all his
Treasure, and made off with every thing, except the great
Pearl Necklace, which was set in Gold. They buried the
Merchant in the Court- Yard, under the pavement ; and with
him the Pearl Necklace, being afraid to keep it, lest it should
make a Discovery.

168 1 HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS, j

THE Lady coming some time after, and finding the House
shut up, made enquiry after the young Merchant. The Neigh-
bours said, that they saw all his Effects carried off such a
Morning, and that his Servants went the Night before and paid
the Rent of the House by his Order, as they pretended ; so
that he did not go away in private : they gave out, that their
Master had order’d his Merchandize to be carry’ d to Cambay,
where he design’d to sell the remainder, as he supposed Guzurat
to be now well supply’d with his sort of Goods. But that
he would return thither in a short time again. The Lady was
much inraged, to think that she should thus lose the only
Man she had ever yet placed her Affections on ; and to find
that he should so far deceive her, by making promises to her
of fidelity : but however, she consoled herself with the Thought
that he was only gone for a short time, and wou’d soon return
again.

WITH this Hope she comforted herself for a long time ;
but finding him not to return, she fell into great Agonies of
Grief, which occasion’d a dangerous Fit of Sickness ; inso-
much that her Father feared she would die. This happened
some Years before I knew Guzurat , but what follows occur’d
whilst I was on the Spot.

THERE happen’d to come down from Cambay a great
Corn-Factor, who wanted a House, and chanc’d to take that
of this Merchant, which had stood empty ever Since he was
murder’d. The Corn-Factor was a young Man, very much
in Esteem among the Merchants ; and one Day a large
quantity of Corn being shot in the Yard, the Men in* turning
it about to Air, some how with the edge of their Shovels turned
up the Stone that the young Merchant was buried under.
Upon this they call’d their Master, who spying part of the
Pearl Necklace, took it up ; and afterwards seeing the Bones
of a human Body, he called the People of the Neighbourhood
in, but conceal’d the Necklace. Great enquiry was imme-
diately made all over the City concerning this Affair ; it being
naturally supposed that these were the JB ones of some Person
who had been murder’d, and clandestinely buried. But by
the ^Appearance it must have lain thete so long, that there
seemed little hope of discovering the Murderers. Notices were

, BETWIXT THE MOGUL, ANGRIA, ETC. ' 189

fixed at all the City-Gates, and great Rewards offered for any
that would make a Discovery.

THE murclbr’d Merchant’s Uncle had used to come for
several Years from Persia , to trade at Guzurat ; but had now
remained a long while in Persia, and was grown very rich : but
not having heard from his Nephew for some Yea*s, was re-
solved to quit Persia , and settle at Guzufat . On his Arrival
there, he was informed that he had moved all his Effects from
thfcnce to Cambay ; since which, he could hear no Account of
him. This gave him great Uneasiness ; and he sent to Cambay
to inquire after him ; but hearing no News of him there, he
sent to several other chief Cities of Trade in the Mogul’s
Dominions ; but all to no purpose. *

THE Uncle being a Man of Reputation was soon made
one of the Catwalls or Justices of the City*; and hearing the
Report which was given out by the Corn-Factor, he went with
some Officers to the House to examine into the Affair ; they
perceived the Place where a Body had been buried for many
Years, but there was nothing remaining except the bare Bones.
They could not therefore be positive that it was the Skeleton
of the young Merchant, but only imagin’d it to be the same.
The old Mufti was still living, and his Daughter, who had
grievously mourned for the Absence of her Lover, and had been
terribly tormented with the yhoughts of having poison’d her
Sister ; by^which means she was almost worn away to a
Shadow. •

THE Landlord of the House being sent for, declared tha?
the Merchant’s Servants paid him his Rent the Night before
they said their Master was going to Cambay ; and that he had
no manner of Mistrust of any foul Play from the Servants.
That indeed some of the Neighbours design’d to have took
their Leave of him ; but they were told that he set out with
several other Merchants at Break of Day ; and left orders for
his Effects to follow him immediately : The Servants having
all things in readiness and the Camels loaded, went out of the
City very boldly, and pone had any mistrust.

THE Corn-Factor resolved to make the most of the Neck-
lace ; for which purpose he put it in his Pocket one MorSlng
after the Noise was a little over, and brought it to a wealthy

170 ' ' HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS, ^

Broker that dealt in Jewels, dtc. and asked him if he would buy
those Pearls set in Gold. He no sooner saw them, but he
judged that they were not his own ; however, ^he asked him
what <he would have for them ; the Corn-Factor put a very
low price upon them, that did not amount to a quarter of the
Value : the Broker judging by this that the Necklace was
stole, and the Corn-Factor being a Stranger to him, he desired
him to sit down a little, and he woiild consider of the Price.
In the mean time, he sent for some Officers, who came in acid
carried him before the Catwall. The Broker told him, that
this young Man had shewed him a rifsh Pearl Necklace, which
he offer’d to dispose of ; but that he was sure it must be stole,
for he did notmsk a quarter the Value of it. The Corn-Factor
hearing what was said to the Catwall , was so far confounded,
that he could not tall what to say ; and knowing how he came
by it, was afraid to own that he found it near the Body of the
supposed murder’d Person, because that might give a Sus-
picion of his being one of the Murderers. He was now in so
much Confusion, that he was not able to answer any Questions
the Justice asked him ; but seemed to equivocate to and fro
in a scandalous manner. This confirm’d the Justice and all
present, in an Opinion that he was actually guilty of Murder
and Robbery ; on which the Catwall order’d his right Hand
to be cut off. The Pain, Shame and Confusion that he was
now brought into, caused him to be like one distracted ; but
so soon as the Execution ,was performed, he was set at Liberty,
and the Broker delivered the Pearl Necklace to the Catwall ,
who hung it up in his Office, for People to see if they coidd
give any Account of it.

AS they were turning the young Corn-Factor about his
Business, the old Mufti came to the CahvalV s Office, and seeing
a croud of People about the place, demanded the Reason, and
what was the Cause of the same. Being seated by the Catwall ,
he told him the whole Story, and* sliew’d him the Necklace,
which he knew to be his Daughter’s. He therefore sent for her
'to come forthwith ; and in the mean time they stopt the
CormFactor again, and passing a fresh Examination, the
Mufti’s Daughter affirmed the Necklace to be hers, by com-
paring its Agreement with her other Jewels ; she also related

I BETWIXT THE MOGUL, ANGRI/y ETC. * 171

the whole Circumstances of the Affair between her and the
young Merchant, before the Cativall and her Father. They now
blamed the Corn-Factor for not having the Courage to tell
the Truth before, which might have been a means tiJ have
prevented the severe Sentence which had been executed on
him. The Catwall was satisfied now, that tho murder’d
Person was his Kinsman, according to thp Account which the
Mufti’s Daughter gave of the matter ; tho’ she did not confess
at? that time that she had poison’d her Sister, but the Eunuchs
knew the whole Affair. The Mufti took the young Corn-
Factor home to his House, and express’d a great concern for
his Misfortune ; and, to make him some amends, order’d a
Broker to sell off all his Effects, that he might 1 * settle and live
with him, and the more to comfort him in his Melancholy,
gave him his Daughter in Marriage. But she, tore with
Remorse of having poison’d her Sister, and the tragical Exit
of her first Lover adding more Sorrow, expired in two or
three Weeks after ; confessing her Inhumanity to her Sister.

BIJT to return : The Scarcity of Provisions still continued

in the Camp ; but the Citizens being apprehensive that the

Army wou’d disperse, as they threaten’d, and leave them to be

pillaged by the Angrians , sent them all the Supply they

possibly could ; but the Armies continued a considerable time

without Action. ‘ The Mogujl now sent to (logo, and ordered

the chief Prince and Annabob of that Province to raise a

considerable number of Men, to send down to Surat . These

Gogo Men are looked on as the most couragious in the Mogul 1 s

Empire, and arc never made use of but .on great Occasions ;

they are Men of a very large Size, have a daring and bold

Look, and had rather die Sword in Hand, than give back one

foot of Ground : They raised 10000 of them, and sent them

over to Broach in order to recruit our dishearten’d Forces .

The Angrians were as sick of the Lay as the Moors , and wou’d

willingly have enter’d on»a Truce for some time, but did not

care to make the first Offer ; for they resolved to insist on

the tributary Dues ^hich had been for many Years paid to

the Gonims, 1 or what we call the Sedees . r

*

1 Grose, at p. 116 of his Voyage to the East Indies (1767), explains that
the name ‘ Marattas ’ is only used in their own country ; elsewhere

172 HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

SINCE the Alliance between Angria and the young Sedey,
the Country has been continually harassed. I have seen
several Englishmen , who have been in the East parts since my
Arrivsfl in England , and took on in the Mogul’s Service, and
some of them in the same Station as I was : But very few care
to continue long with them. Captain Hocking continued the
longest with them of any I cvqr he^rd of, except those who
go to Dilley , and enter into the Mogul’s Service as his Body
Guard, in which Corps he has a great number of Europeans,
who live very easy, and only mount Guard the Days the Mogul
goes out on Pleasure, or to the Mosqtics to Prayers.

THE Dutch Merchants, during the Siege of Broach, were of
great Service to the Mogul’s Party ; assisting them very
much by directing them where to keep their strongest and
most complcat Med during the time of Action. This was of
great use in preserving the City, which with the Cannon kept
so continual a Fire on them, that they could not return their
Fire so fast as they intended : several of the Cannon on the
City- Walls were dismounted ; but many more of the Besiegers,
who by the help of the Py rates before mentioned, soon
remounted their Guns again. Let us now return to Surat .

THE City of Surat is noted for the great resort of all Nations,
English, Dutch, French, Portuguese , &c. who carry on a great
Trade and Commerce there. The Portuguese have a fine
Church here, and several Clergymen who officiate in it. They
are much respected by the Moors in Surat, tho’ not among
tfie Inland Inhabitants. The English and French have each a
Factory here ; but the Dutch Factory is out of the Cify. 1 In
all Disputes the Portuguese and French usually apply to the

‘ they are more currently known by the appellation of Ghenims ’, which
‘ imports as much a S free-booter, and is bestowed not only on the
Marattas but all those mountaineer tribes of the Gentoos who commonly
make a war rather of pillage or plunder than a regular one for glory or
conquest’. Hamilton ( New Account , voj. i, p. 146) does not include
Marathas among tho * Gennims ’, who, ho says, were composed of
‘ ,Warrels [Varlis], Coulies [Kolis], Basspouts [Rajputs], Patanners
[Pathans], and Gracias [Grassias] ’. The woijd is the Arabic ghariim,

‘ a pluiAlcrer *, but is often used in the general sense of ‘ an enemy *.

1 This suggests that the removal of the Dutch from their factoiy near
the castle to a position on the riverside just within the outer walls took
place earlier than is usually stated. ,

BETWIXT THE MOGUL, ANGRIA^ ETC. 173

English for their Arbitration. So that the Christians for their
own safety could not avoid being concern’d in the sustaining
the Siege ; for if Angria had taken the City, he wou’d probably
have made a Massacre among the Inhabitants ; there , being
supposed half as many Christians in Surat as there are Moors ,
it being a Place of free Trade granted from the Mogul. They
have few Taxes to pay, and the Rents arc very easy ; a Man
may have a pretty good House in any Part of that City for
four Rupees per Month, which is but bare six Pound a Year.
The English have a Factory there, and pay the Mogul a Duty
on all their Goods ; there is also a Custom-House, where all
Duties are paid. The City is govern’d with great Equity and
Justice, abounding with Plenty of all Sorts of Fruits, Roots
and Grain. The French and Portuguese have each a Church
here, supported at the Expence of the K f ing of France and
King of Portugal , and a considerable number of Clergy for
making Converts, and preaching the Gospel of Christ in the
Mogul's Dominions. The English have few Clergymen here,
nor in any other Parts of India t excepting Bombay , Madrass ,
and Bengal where they have one or two Clergyman for each
City.

SURAT is the chief Place of Trade the Mogul is possess’d
of ; and did not the Angrians so much interrupt their Com-
merce, it wou’d be the richest City of India ; as it is the most
convenient tfor Shipping and Landing all sorts of Merchandize.
The City is scituatc by the side of n a pleasant River, which
falls into the Indian Sea over a Bar : This River is Navigable
for Ships of large Burthen, where they have the benefit of
Building and Repairing Ships with the same convenience as
we have in England. The Moors build very compleat Ships ;
which the Princes of Arabia frequently purchase.

THERE is a very stfong Castle here, into which they never
suffer any Stranger to enter ; for if any French , Dutch , English ,
Portuguese 9 or any whatsoqyer presume to enter the same, they
are never suffered to come out again, or ever heard of any
more ; they say, indeed, they never put them to Death, but
allow them the Liberty of the Place, there being large Places
for Recreation therein, with fine Fountains beautifully con-
triv’d, also the Lodgings of Aurengzeb, and the Seraglio for

174 * IHSjTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

his Ladies. On the Castle-Walls they mount above 100 large
Cannon, it is moated all round, and has but one Place of
Entrance, which is over a Draw-Bridge, through a large pair
of Stone Gates, clamped together with Bars of Iron. If ever
Angria was to conquer the Town, he could never take the
Castle, or jeside within the reach of the Guns, they being of a
great Length ; they have also several Mortars. Their Maga-
zines and Store-Houses are very larfee ; they say, that there
are Stores of all sorts of Provisions and Necessaries for some
Years.

THE Mogul's Mint is kept in thi§ Castle, and all Foreign
Gold and Silver is brought hither, and coin’d for the Benefit
of the Merchants, who pay very little for the coinage of either
Gold oV Silver. Here they kept Sir John Gore 1 near 21 Years
a Prisoner, till he got his Liberty by a Stratagem ; for which
reason, few Englishmen of Note will ever go a-shore at Surat .
They gave Governor Boone several Invitations to come on
shore there, but he did not care to venture out of his Ship,
but gave magnificent Entertainments on board for the Mer-
chants. The Moors shewed a great deal of Affection for him,
and were daily waiting on him with Presents of value ; but
his Honour knew how Affairs were between Rustram and the
Broker too well, to trust to their pretended Kindness : for
had they got him on Shore, probably they would not have
suffer’d him to come off again All such time as he had pay’d
every Farthing of the Demands they had on the Company.

• AS we have spoke something relating to the Scituation and
Trade of the City, we will now speak of the Trade and Com-
merce brought down to the Place from the adjacent Countries.
The best Commodities of the Empire being brought down to
Surat , are there .dispos’d of by Merchants that d*eal very
largely. By sending to any of these ‘ Merchants, and telling
them you want such and such a Quantity of particular »Goods ;
you may have your Goods brought .Home to your own Houses,
open’d and repack’d before your Face, to see that all Things
agree with the Sample ; and if you dislike any thing, it is
exchanged without demur ; they are so expert in their way of

1 t>ir John Gayer was imprisoned at Surat from 1701 to 1710 (about
half the period here stated).

BETWIXT THE MOGUL, ANGRI 4 , ETC. ' ' 175

Trade, that they seldom admit any thing to be pack’d up
worse than the Sample. They have here great plenty of
Diamonds, rfch Velvets, Atlasses, Taffaties, Persia Silks,
Cottons, Stripc’d Dimities flower’d with Gold, <£-c.* The
Merchants usually wear some of these for Apparel, taking great
delight in adorning themselves with rich and line* Cloathing.

IN peaceable Times, here is the greatest plenty of all sorts
of Roots, as Carrots, Turnips, green Peas and Beans, though a
vefy small sort : They have also great variety of most sorts of
Fruit. The Merchants are generous in their way of Trade, and
they are allow’d a Drawback on several sorts of Goods.

THE Angrians sent a Party to take two large Yards where
they used to build their Ships, but they found only two old
Ships, that lay by the Walls past repairing : these Ships they
burnt,. with no manner of Conduct ; for had they set them on
lire about two or three Hours before High-Water, they probably
wou’d have drove up the River, and set some of the Shipping
on fire that lay under the Cannon of the Castle ; but setting
them on fire at half Ebb, they burnt where they lay, without
any further Mischief : However, many of the Ships that lay
below the Town, being by this means alarmed, were brought up
the River under the Cannon of the Castle, for their better
security : After the Angrians had done this, they retired.

WE were now brdered to djaw off our Forces, and make the
best of our Way towards Cambay , where we had at Ckimnaw
a very smart Skirmish with the Cuhys , who for several Days
ply’d us with showers of Arrows, which did some execution*;
so that* our Annabob was forc’d to make .use of our Cannon :
To this purpose we brought six Pieces to play among them,
which ipade such a Slaughter, that they quickly dispersed,
and rather than comply to pay Tribute, they left their Town
and fled. This Town we burnt, after having pillaged it of
every thing valuable ; we also fill’d up all their Wells, and
did all the Damage possible to their Grounds, which they
generally keep in good order, and are the chief Support of the
Cotton Manufacture. (> Rut these People are of that obstinate
Disposition, that they will not pay Tribute, nor be ih any
Subjection. * *

FROM Chimnaw we marched towards Cambay , where the

176 HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

Culeys are very numerous ; here they made a stout Resistance :
But our Annabob was resolved not to shew them any Favour ;
on which account, he brought all his Elephants a-breast, and
armed, them with Chains on their Trunks, and drove them
amongst the Culeys . The Elephants laid about them with
their Chains, and firing from our Platforms, whilst others of
our Soldiers discharged their Arrows among them, vast
Numbers were crush’d under Foot in a terrible manner.
Our Annabob prevailing, put Men, Women, and Children? to
the Sword, and plunder’d the Town ; after which, we con-
tinued here for near a Month, every Day digging under the
Foundations of their Houses, and searching very strictly for
their Money ; *they having a Custom amongst them to bury
their Money. We also search’d their Ponds, and dragg’d
them ; also sent Men to dive all over them, by which means
wc found several large Chests of Treasure, which paid our
Annabob well for his Trouble. Here we stock’d our selves well
with all sorts of Grain, which caused great Plenty in the
Camp. We also took great Store of their Cattle, and sent them
down to Surat , where they were directly sold. After their
Granaries and Storehouses were emptied, and all Things
brought out of the Town, which was very large, well peopled,
and of great Trade, our Annabob came to sec the Town set
on fire and laid in ashes. It continued burning near two
Days, when all the Place was' intirely consumed. 1 These
Culeys rob in Parties on She High-way, so that they are great
Interrupters to such fair dealing People as travel from Town
to Town for the Benefit of marketting with their Effects, as
they hear how the Markets rise and fall. Now these travelling
Merchants are generally Banyans , a People that will not
molest the greatesf Enemy in Life, neither will they be con-
cern’d in War ; they never eat any Thing which ever had
Life or Blood ; the chief of their Food being all sorts of Herbs,
Roots, Rice and Fruits. If they .swarm with Vermin, they

• 1 Downing gives no cluo to the identification of this place ; but the
Bombay Gazetteer (vol. i, pt. i, p. 303) says that ‘ tribute was exacted
from tHo chiefs on the banks of the Vatrak, and from Modhera an unruly
Kolif* village was burned down and garrisons were placed in the Koli
country

BETWIXT THE MOGUL, ANGKL'j, ETC. ' 177

will take them off, and throw them from them, but will not
kill them. They worship a Cow, Ox, or Calf, to which they
pay great Adoration. They believe the Transmigration of
Souls : They are very covetous, and will travel some sdore of
Miles, and not lay out a Piece in Refreshment for themselves,
living on what they carry with them. Their travelling Food
tlTey provide in this Method ^ they kno\^ how far they have
to travel, and how many Days they shall be on the Road :
Thfcy provide Food for their Cattle as well as themselves.
They never dress any Thing but where they have Time to
consecrate a Place of Warship for themselves, where they set
up a God of Clay or the like, who is to be a Guardian for them
during the Time of their praying to the Calf or tow, or what-
ever they arc Masters of, in that kind. At this time they boil
great Quantities of Rice, and lay it Cortf by Corn between
two Boards ; they press it flat, and then dry it in the Sun,
which is then like Wafer. Of Rice prepared in this Method
they carry a great deal ; when they are hungry, they take a
Pan, and mix it up with Water and Sugar, and eat as Oppor-
tunity serves, during the Time of their travelling. These
poor inoffensive People pay great Tribute to the Mogul , for
the Liberty of Trade. For their further Security they go in
great Bodies, sometimes two or three Hundred in a Company,
where they think* their appearing so numerous may frighten
the Culeys, But the Culeys soon prove too strong for them,
and frequently put them all to the Sword, and seize all their
Merchandize. Thus they rob a poor inoffensive People, anfl
spare nfcne, provided they think they can overpower them.
The Dutch Scaffolds have been beset by them, and found a
difficult Matter to come off without the Loss of one or two
Waggon Loads : So that the Culeys are, in* some respects, as
bad as the Angrians , and frequently find Employment for the
Mogul' $ Army, who pursue them from Place to Place, but can
never entirely suppress them. These are the People which
the northern Parts of the Mogul's Dominions are over-rui\
with ; they will ventpre in thq Night to come about the
Camp, and take Opportunities of stealing something of con-
siderable Value ; but* they often come short home, for*the
Catwalls of the Mogul's Government keep such a good Look-

178 '■ fflSfTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

out for them all Night, that they often come up with them,
cut off their Heads, and leave them for the Crows to devour
them, for they never stay to dig a Hole to put 1 them in.

FROM the Place I have been last speaking of, we came
towards the Back of Cambay , and marched towards Car-
menay , where we suTpriz’d several more of the Culeys ; for
during the whole March, I think we had not above four Towns
that paid their Tributes, which Towns we left standing ; tho’
they were very insolent, and threatned very much what they
would do to the Annabob , if ever they could over-power him.
We made no great Stay amongst them, having got into the
very Heart of their Country ; for if once they take on them
to attack an Army, they never give over till they kill or be
killed.* The chief of their Weapons are Bows and Arrows,
and Sword and Taiget ; tho’ some of them exercise the Lance.
They have very fine Horses amongst them, which they will
sell very cheap, as also any other Things that they have, when
they pay their Tribute. They are very politick and sly ;
they never make any manner of Resistance without they
think themselves sure of gaining the Victory, for they will
sooner run away than stay to be taken ; well knowing the
Fate they suffer when they fall under the Power of the Anna -
bob's Soldiers, and in particular the Arabs , who make great
Havock amongst them. They are a People of a comely
Stature, clean-limb’d, of great Swiftness of FoGt, and very
ingenious in their Way ; their chief Delight and CaTe is
breeding up Cattle, keeping great Flocks, and manuring their
Grounds. They are a very industrious People, and would
soon be rich, were they to be brought under a regular Govern-
ment by the Mogul . But being so much addicted to Theft and
Rebellion, were they not to keep a strict Hand over them, they
would soon over-run the Mogul's Empire, and destroy all his
Dominions. They have neither Kings nor Prinees amongst
them, for they will not condescend to be under any manner
of Subjection ; they will never allow any one of them to take
a particular Prerogative over the rest. When they rise in
great? Bodies, they seldom are under any Command, which
makes them less powerful. There is a Party of them who
inhabit more to the Eastward, that appoint Governors, and

179

BETWIXT THE MOGUL, ANGRI^, ETC. '

I

erect Laws amongst themselves ; but those to the Northward
of Cambay , will not come under any manner of Subjection :
They do as they please in all Things ; they worship Idols of
Brass and Stone, the Highways being filled with all manner of
Images, which the Mahometans pull down and demolish ;
and the Caleys repair when they return again. ,

‘‘WHEN the Mogul's Army makes any Demand of them,
provided they are willing to pay the Tribute, they will come
arid meet the Annabob a Day’s March before lie conies near the
Town, to know what he demands ; and then they leave tw r o
or three of the richest o£»them as Hostages, when they are sure
the Inhabitants have sufficient already raised for the Payment
of the tributary Demands. They seldom proVe false to one
another ; whenever they come to treat with the Annabob 9 he
is always sure of his Demands ; tho’ sometimes they will
plead Poverty, and pretend they have had a bad Time ; and
then the Annabob readily makes some Abatements. ’Tis
surprizing to me, that they do not extirpate these People,
which I think might be done. But if they pay their tributary
Demands, they never molest them, and suffer them to steal
and plunder the travelling People as much as they think
proper.

TO return from this Digression : We were with the Anna-
bob all this while*rambling about the Country, and driving all
before us, Jill the Season o{ the Year was arrived for our
Return to Guzurat, where we used to reside generally about
the Month of May , and lay in close Quarters. During oiflr
stay at^ Guzurat , we had the Benefit of recreating our selves
in the Gardens, and the constant Conversation of the lHitvh
Gentlemen in their Factory ; they would be always doing us
some good Offices, especially if any of us were out of order,
and generally entertain’d us in a very handsome manner.
The Gentleman that was with me here, in the Post of Inginccr,
was Mr. Nathanael Webb of Southampton , who had been brought
up to the Law, and had run through a plentiful Estate in
England of 800 1 . per Annum . He left England with us in the
Salisbury , and was a Man of excellent Parts. At oui 1 first
arrival at Bombay , Captain Cockbum discharg’d him ; bu^ he
happening to light of a Friend there by mere chance, was

180 ' mSjTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

made a Factor 1 by the (iovernour and Council ; and while
we proceeded on our Course in search of the Pirates, his Friend
died, and he was accused by some Person unknown, to the
Govennour and Council of a Mistake in his Accounts. For
which reason, without giving him time to correct the Error, he
was dismissed the Service ; though he honourably clear’d
himself afterwards, and was offer’d the same Post again ; but
refused it. He went to Surat with us in the Salisbury , and some
time after, at my return to Surat , I met with him again, when
lie inform’d me of his Circumstances, and how things were
with him. There was also Captain Lynes, 2 who has already
been spoken of ; he being at that time under the same Mis-
fortunes as nlV self, and had been taken by the Sangarens ,
join’d t Company with us, in order to travel from Surat to
Bengal ; there being so great Apprehensions of Angria, that
the Merchants were afraid to send their Ships to any part of
the Coast : so that business being very dead, we design’d to
take the before mention’d Journey ; which proved very
difficult, the Angrians being distributed all over the Country ;
and between Surat and Broach we were oblig’d to lie conceal’d
two or three days, as mention’d before.

Captain Lynes and my self, after we took on in the AnnaboV s
Service, very often differ’d in our opinions, which made a great
uneasiness between us. lie was very much opinionated, but
knew very little of the Business he had undertaken : this
contradicting way of Proceeding could never do with me ; for
rJl that ever knew me, 1 hope, will allow me qualilied for the
Business I undertook. Mr. Webb observing the turbulent
Disposition of this Gentleman, and being a Lover of Quietness,
would daily try to make things easy between us ; but all in
vain. He at last refused to eat with us, and would go and buy
his own Provision : accordingly Mr. Webb and myself let him
take his own way ; which caused him to leave us at Guzurat ,
after we came from the Expedition against the Culeys, He

pretended he would go to Surat ;

it being now the best time

1 On 23 January 1722. His dismissal was notified to the Company
in a ldtter of 29 January 1723. Webb’s name appears in the pay book
of the Salisbury as having joined on 2 January 1721, as an able seaman,
and as having left at Bombay, 16 October 1721, ‘ on preferment

* Called ‘ Lyon ’ on p. 163.

BETWIXT THE MOGUL, ANGRIAj, ETC. ' ’ 181

for travelling. To this end, he took his leave of us, and set
forward. Just as he got out of Broderah , having join’d the
Dutch Scaffolds, the Angrians were very near seizing of him.
For he, with the Dutch Gentlemen, was obliged to return to
Broderah , and there to continue all the time of the Rains ; to
avoid falling into the hands of Angria' s Forces. I .found him
at Broach with the Dutch , who supported him for a considerable
time.* I left him among ’them ; he told me that he would go
to ^Batavia, but how or which way he went, I cannot say. lie
said, when he came to Batavia lie would get a Passage to
Bengali , he being married to a Serjeant’s Daughter at Anjango.

This he chose, being tired, as he said, with being obliged to
travel about from place to place in a sultry TJli mate ; tho’
I must say, that I lik’d the way of living so well, that 1 would
actually chusc to be with them again, ratlier than be imposed
on, as I have been in some other Service. It has been my chief
Care at all times to do my Duty to my Country ; tho’ I have
never had what properly belong’d to me, but others have been
paid for what I have done. I shall say very little in the Affair,
but shall only mention some voluntary Pieces of Service I have
done in behalf of the Hon. Company : I was at the two Sieges
of Carwar , at the Attack on Kemshew, at the Sieges of Kenner y,
and of Gerey , at the Expedition against the Portuguese , and at
the great Siege of Allabeg ; ^1 was also at the taking of the
Decoy Grab ^ all which I can prove to be fact, and bring some
Persons, now in London, to confirms the same. Accordingly,
I have reason to hope, that those Gentlemen, who have it fh
their power to reward any Services done, them in the East-
Indies, will not be altogether unmindful of me *.

To return to Guzurat ; some time after Captain Lynes left
us, Mr. \Vebb was taken sick, and died ; during the Time of
his Illness, the Dutch Gentlemen daily visited him, and sent
him every thing convenient for one in his Condition. The
Doctor was continually visiting him, and prescrib’d such
Medicines as he thought most convenient : And the Dutch
Gentlemen exceeded their usual Hospitality : And I must say,

that I never receiv’d more Civility from any Gentlemen! We
»

* N. B. The Author is now employ'd in a very reputable Pont , i:i the
last Ships sent to the East-Indies, 1730.

N 3

182 ' HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

r

always lodg’d our Money in their Hands, and they prov’d
very faithful Bankers. Mr. Webb died in about a week’s time
after his being taken ill, and was interr’d in the Butth Burying-
Ground . I was now left alone, to undergo the fatigue of looking
after the Cannon. But the Dutch Gentlemen alleviated this
Situation by their frequent Invitations to ride with them ; so
that I did not want for Recreation, and I eat and slept rnoi-e
at the Dutch Factory than I did at iny own House, and was
always welcome. <■

One Day, as I had been at Dinner with the Dutch Gentlemen,
and coming home, I perceiv’d several Christian Men just
arrived in Town, and being desirous to see who they were,
I found three* Portuguese, and two Dutchmen ; one of the
Portuguese, as he call’d himself, was Anthony Jones , 1 who gave
me the Account I hftve inserted concerning Plantain, and that
he had made his Escape from the Py rates, and had been down
at Bengali, and was there married and settled ; and as the Wars
were still troublesome, they join’d Company with each other,
and came up to Guzurat, in order to proceed for Dilley , and
take on in the Mogul's Service. But the Zamelock still con-
tinued his Rebellion, and was resolved to depose the Mogul if
possible. Whereupon, Orders were sent for the Annabob to
engage as many English , and other Christians as possibly he
could light of, and not to spare for Wages, -which should be
paid them very exactly according to their Agreement. On
this Encouragement, m$ny Englishmen, who were out of
Employment, and would not go down to Bombay, since
Governor Boone had left the Island, enter’d into the Mogul's
Service, and went away for Dilley ; tho’ many of them would
rather have tarried at Guzurat , for they did not approve of the
Fatigue of travelling. ’Tis very customary amongst the English
in those Parts, to despise any Person fhat accepts of serving
the Mogul , tho’ at the same time a Man may lie out of Business,
and spend all his Substance in waiting for Employment.

As for my Part, were I as young as I was then, I do not
doubt but my Curiosity might lead me again to inspect more
narrowly into the Customs and Manners of the East- Indians,

1 p. Ill, where this man is called Anthony do Silvestro.. Downing
has previously referred to these ex-pirates (p. 121).

BETWIXT THE MOGUL, ANGRIA, ETC. # ' 183

* •

than I have yet done ; tho’ my Accounts are as exact and true

as my Situation would admit of. In the History I have given,
I have borrow’d nothing from any former Authors : But my
Observations are chiefly taken from what I have been qn Eye
and Ear-witness to. I have felt the Smart and Fatigue of
Engagements, Hurries in Marches, excessive Pains and Weari-
ness in travelling, to satisfy my own Curiosity ; anS now with
Pleasure deliver the same to thd Curious, fortheir Entertainment ..

<The Rainy Season being over about the end of July , the
first New Moon in August is observed by the Moors 1 as a grand
Festival for the Return % of fair Weather ; and tho’ the Rainy
Season is as certain every Year as Winter and Summer, yet
the Indian Bramins flatter the People with Notions that they
shall never have any more foul Weather. Our Army -having
perform’d the Ceremonies and Festival, yve receiv’d Order:’,
from tSe Grand Mogul to begin our March ; which proved very
bad, by the heavy Rains that fell after we were on the March ;
and we were obliged to endure the same, and not return to
Guzurat. For tho’ they account the first New Moon in August
to be the time when the Rains usually cease, it was this Year
the latter end of September before the Weather quite alter’d.
In the Month of November the Northern Winds begin to blow,
and refine the Air ; we have then fine wholesome and good
Weather, with delightful Breezes. In this Uncertainty of
Weather we were oblig’d t & encamp many Days ; tho’ our
Army had excellent Covers with their Tents, which are well
contrived to keep out Rain, and seldom or ever are blo\^i
down. ,1 have lain near a Fortnight in the Camp in my own
Tent, and it has rain’d for the most part of the time, when we
have not had a Drop of Water coinc into the Tent Day or
Night. *We once were oblig’d to pitch oiy Tents in a great
Hurry, as we came n£ar to a large Town belonging to the
Culeys ; and our Annabob was resolved to have the Tribute
demanded before we left, the Place. The Camp was partly
pitch’d in a Bottom ; and the Rains were so very violent one
Night, that many of the Tents were set on float, and the Tent*
Pegs, which were dro^e in the Ground, were broke up by the
Water washing the Sand and Earth away. The Wind a& the
1 Apparently a mistake for Hindus.

184 ' i HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

» .

same time was very tempestuous ; and m the Morning the

Place was like a little Sea full of Wrecks, the Tent-Polls and
other Materials being drove to and fro by the Storm: This was
the m<jst severe Night I ever felt during my abode amongst
them ; however, it was the last of all the bad Weather, for
we had no more Rain that Season. The Weather also confined
the Culeys from attempting to do us any Mischief in the Night,
as they commonly endeavour, if* they find any proper Oppor-
tunity ; tho’ many times they lose their own Lives -in sircli
Enterprizes. I generally was with the Artillery, the most
secure Part of the Camp ; for when these Culeys offer to disturb
our Camp, they never presume to come near the Artillery, the
Sight of the great Guns being a terrour to them.

So soon as the Weather permitted, the whole Camp was
re-pitch’ d on the Brpw of a large Hill, and the Cannons placed
in regular Form against the Culeys Town ; who seem’d to
demur to the paying the Tribute demanded. We had with us
the aforesaid Anthony Jones and one of the Dutchmen ; who
gave me great Uneasiness. They were angry because they
were not look’d on by the Annabob as I was, and said they
deserv’d more Respect. ’Tis true, they knew how to fire the
Artillery, but had little Skill as Engineers ; tho’ they seem’d
to believe that tlieir Judgment was as good as that of others.
The Annabob sent for me over Night, and order’d me to use
the best of my Skill to batter the Culeys Town dowruabout their
ears, and to keep a continual fire. Early the next Morning we
a^ three went to work, soon demolish’d Part of their Town,
and beat down their famous Temple, wherein was they great
Idol Hoydos, 1 whom the Culeys for Hundreds of Miles came to
worship. Such Execution being done amongst them, they
were observ’d by their Motions, to fly towards the Northern
Part of the City, where there was a* Gate, at which they
intended to escape, and fly to the Mountains for refuge, as
many of them did. My Reader may easily imagine how ignorant
they were, when some Hundreds of them would get on the tops
of their Houses to see the Guns fired, and at the same time
making little Opposition to our Attack? I am well assur’d,
that /here were 6h the Cupola of the Temple above an hundred
1 Not identified.

BETWIXT THE MOGUL, ANGRIA, ETC. • *185

I I

Men, who were destroy’d by our Shot, and buried in the
Rubbish. Notwithstanding this, several still kept on the top
of their Houses. Sometimes indeed they would send a smart
Shower of Arrows towards us, but to no Effect. The* Town
was now almost ruin’d, and it was too late for them to capitu-
late ; for the Annabobs will never admit of a Treaty after they
h&ve begun their Siege ; but pursue their Resentment with
Fire and Sword. The C&leys Vere now efuitting the Town in
numbers, and flying to the Mountains ; which our Annaboh
perceiving, as he sate on his Elephant, he order’d the Arabs
to march directly to th o North Gate, to stop their Proceeding.
The Wall was very lofty on the Backside of the Town, and the
Army having no Notion of Scaling-Ladders,* the Annaboh
sent for me, and ask’d me how the Army should get into the
Place. I told him wc would soon make a IJreach sufficient for
the Forces to enter the Town. He ask’d me if the Shot would
not be detrimental to the Arabs , who were gone to the North.
Gate. I told him no ; for that the Wall would sufficiently
stop the Balls from doing any farther Mischief. We then
brought all our Cannon in a Line, as near to each other as
conveniently could be ; and kept a continual fire for the space
of two or three Hours ; in which time, a large Part of the Wall
was beat down ; insomuch, that the Annabob , the head Officers,
and Part of the Army march’d their Elephants a-breast into
the Town, ewer the Breach Which we had made in the Wall.
The Annabob acknowledg’d, he now saw the greatest Piece of
Execution perform’d by his Cannon, in the least time, thttf
ever he jsaw in his Life ; on which account, he should always
value the English iii his Service. After all was over, he sent
for me and the other two, and made each of us a considerable
Present.* This pleased Mr. Anthony Jones ai^d the others ; and
encouraged them very* much. There was a sad Slaughter
amongst the poor Culeys , by the Arabs ; for they fought
Sword in Hand above two^Hours, endeavouring to force their
way out of the North Gate : and the rest of our Army coming
up, fell on their Rear, and cut them off in great numbers, and
very few escap’d. * j

At this Place, which* was not a hundred Miles from Guznrat ,
situated n?ar the Mountains, the Annabob got more Plunder

186 ' * HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

1

than what he had for a considerable time before : So that the
Riches taken out of the Temple of the great Idol Iioydos , and
the Treasure found in the Town amounted to tip wards of
60,000/. Sterling ; two thirds of which was sent to the Mogul ,
to confirm the Importance of this Conquest. Besides this,
a great deql of Treasure and things of value were found in the
Temple where the famous Idol was placed. The Height x>f
this Idol was near twelve Feet, Arith Arms and other Limbs in
proportion : He had his Head ornamented with Rays eastern
Silver, and set all round with Jewels ; but was pretty much
batter’d with the Rubbish that fell injo the Temple, when the
Cupola was beat down. There were placed about him near
a hundred small brass Images, ornamented with Jewels, dec.

We lay here near three Weeks after we had demolish’d the
Town, and pull’d down all the Places of Idol- Worship round
the Country : We also made great Search in the Mountains
for those who got away ; but all to no purpose. Before we left
the Place, we burnt the Remains of the Town, and demolish’d
every part thereof ; and then made the best of our way for
Guzurat , having sent before all the Treasure, which was secured
in our Annabob's Treasury. In the mean time, we had an
Account of Shohomet's marching after the Angrians ; he having
lately got about forty Englishmen into his Service, who were
well acquainted with the Management of the Artillery. Sho-
homeV s Army had march’d a considerable Way ir* the Seeley's
Country without Opposition. After long Expectation, they
heard of Angria's Army, who were at a small distance from
them. Whereupon the Annabob gave Orders to march towards
them, and came in sight of them in about twelve hours. The
Angrians , on the Annabob' s approach, seem’d by theif Motions
as if they would a^oid an Engagement ; on which, the 1 Cannon
began to play furiously on them, and 'they retreated towards
the Mountains with Precipitation, where it was too dangerous
to pursue them. The Angrians in a little time march’d between
the Mountains to the Northtvard, and appear’d near the River
^rhich passes by Broach. The Annabob soon had an Account
of this ; so leaving a considerable Party ^o guard the Highways
for the Security of Trade, he march’d towards Broach with the
Army.

187

BETWIXT THE MOGUL, ANGRIA^ ETC. #

»

The Angrian Army attempting to pass the River, met with
a warm Reception ; for the Dutch had assisted the Moors with
a long Range of good Guns, planted on the opposite side of the
River, where they judged the Enemy would endeavour to ford
over. This Platform of Cannon, as well as the Men to fire
them, was conceal’d by great heaps of Leaves thrown up before
them : When Part of the Angrians were got about half way over,
the Platform was uncover’d,* and the Cannon discharg’d as
fast as possible ; which kill’d great Numbers of them. In this
Confusion, several endeavour’d to return back, but were
drove down by the Current ; so that hardly any escaped of
those who had taken the River. The rest of the Angrians ,
on the other side the River, retired towards the Moun-
tains again ; but our Army arriving during this Confusion,
made q great Slaughter of them in their fiight. After this,
Shohomet encamp’d near the Banks of the River for some
time.

After we had remain’d a little while at Guzurat , we had
Orders to march ; and in a few Days arrived near a large Town,
where wc had a very great Demand on the Culeys . But here
their Deputies met the Annabob, fell at the Feet of his Elephant,
and declared they were ready to pay their Tribute. These
Deputies staid all Night with the Annabob ; and early the
next Morning tho Tribute was brought from the Town, and
paid to the Divan , who is thc^Pcrson appointed to receive and
disburse all Money. After wc had remain’d hereabouts some
Days, we march’d back to Guzurat . «

I shall just mention the Barbarity of these Culeys to Captain
Sedgwick of Bombay , who had been an old Servant to the
Company*, and Master- Attendant for them many Years,
a Person* much esteem’d by Governor Boom , and most of the
Gentlemen belonging to the Island : After he resign’d the
place of Master-Attendant, he accepted of being Captain of
the Company’s Yatcli which used the Surat and Cambay Trade ;
and going from Surat to Cambay , there not being Water
suflicient for the Vessel to go over the Bar, they moor’d her at'
Chimnaw , about thirty Miles distant from Cambay , v^here
Captain (Sedgwick took' his own Boat, in order to go up to'the
English Factory at Cambay ; Mr. Whittle being then lately

188 ’ % HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

1 •
establish’d Chief for the Company there : 1 But the Tide not
flowing so long as they expected, they lost their Passage, and
were obliged to let go their Grappling, in ordel to lie till the
next Flood. The Place where the Boat lay at the ebbing
away of the Tide was dry, which when the Culeys perceiv’d,
they judged there was Treasure in the Boat ; wherefore a great
Number of them came down, in order to seize the Treasure,' if
not to murder him. * But he seeing sc? great a Number ofthem,
and thinking that by firing a Musket or two, they might^be
scared away, fired accordingly. But they were not so soon
frightned, for when they perceived his,Men to fire at them, they
came on in a great Body, and soon cut him to pieces, and the
few Men he had with him ; taking what Treasure was in the
Boat, hnd so made off. From thence they went down to the
Yatch, and would have boarded them, but they kept them off
with their great Guns. Tho’ Captain Herring was pleased to
tell me, that if Captain Sedgxvick had not fired upon them, they
would not have concern’d themselves with him. Had the
Captain but laid the Boat out in the Mid-Clianncl about half
a Cable’s Length further, he might soon have got from them ;
for they could not have run after the Boat when under sail,
and a strong Tide to help them away : For this Place is flat
a long way on both Sides, and you must wade through the Mud
for near three quarters of a Mile, at low Water, before you come
to the Channel. 4 •

When wc lay in the saipe Place, and I was Captain Herring ' s
Lieutenant, Captain Hogget in the Hunter-Galley was with us ;
for we never had any single Vessel sent up from Bombay after
this Accident, but always two together. If wc did not happen
to go just at the Height of the Spring-Tides, wc coufd not get
over the Bar, the* Channel being so very difficult. Captain
Hogget and Captain Herring went up in our Galleywat, which

1 Charles Whitehill took cliargo at Cambay on 5 October 1722 ; and
a Bombay letter of 10 August 1722, without mentioning Sedgwick, stated
that Capt. Bellew had lately been made Master Attendant. These
facts serve to date the episode, no account of which has been found in
the records. * •

Whitehill was tho father of John Whitejiill, who twice acted as
Governor of Madras, and of a daughter Judith, who, by kci marriage
with May Sclater, became the mother of the well-known Eliza Draper.

BETWIXT THE MOGUL, ANGRIA f ETC. ’ ’l80

t

was allow’d us as a Tender. We lay here near a Fortnight
befora they return’d, and all the while kept a good Look-out ;
and tho’ all the Country round was inhabited by the Culeys ,
we every day diverted ourselves with playing at Cricket, 1 and
other Exercises, which they would come and be Spectators of.
But we never ventur’d to recreate ourselves in thjs Method,
without having Arms for ourselves, and guarded by some of
our Sbldiers, lest the Country should come down upon us.
Several times, four or live of the Heads of the Town came down
on Horseback, with great Attendance : They had two Men
generally running at their Horse’s Heads, with bamboo Lances
of a great length ; and one or two a little before them, witli
their Swords and Targets. >

When we found that they never offer’d to disturb us*, Lieu-
tenant^/^™ and Lieutenant Hadbone sent to me, and ask’d
if I would venture with them to take a Walk to a Town about
two or three Miles off. They proposed to go well arm’d ; and
accordingly we all went. Captain Dogget had on board about
forty of the London People, that were sent to supply the Loss
we sustain’d at the Siege of Allabeg , besides Topasses and
Lascars ; but we had only two white Men on board beside
myself. We arm’d most of Captain Dogget' s Men, and fasten’d
a Jack on a Half-Pike, which one of them carried as our
Colours. Each o£ us had a Blunderbuss, and a Pair of Pistols
in our Belts*: Early in the Morning we went up to the Town.
Our Provisions being short, we hc^ed to get a couple of
Bullocks, some Sheep, Fowls, and Bread, from the Town.
soon asi;hey perceiv’d we were coming, one of the Heads of the
Town came out on Horse-back, and demanded our Business.
We had with us two of our Lascars that could talk the Culeif
Tongue ; and the Chief demanding our Business, we told him
we came in Friendship *to buy some Provisions, if they would
let us have any. He ask’d what sort we wanted. We told him,
a couple of Bullocks, some Fowls, a Sheep or two, or any thing
else they could spare, or willingly sell us. We shew’d him
Money, and told him, that if he was not willing we should come
• ° j

1 As the late Mr. J. S. Cotton pointed out, in a letter printed i^ The
Athenaeufc'sSl May 1905, this is the earliest known reference to cricket
being played in India. The date was probably 1 721 (see the introduction).

190 1 HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

•

into the Town, we would tarry where we were, and let him send
us such things as were worth our Money, which we would pay
for. He said, if we behaved ourselves civilly, We should have
whatcwe wanted, and should be welcome to come into the
Town. We consulted whether it was proper for us all to go
into the IJlace ; but, as we had shelter to keep us from the
Sun, we thought it more advisable to continue under the Shacie
of the Trees : So tliat if any foul pfay should be desigif d us,
we were not willing to be incumber’d in a Town. *

However, we no ways perceiv’d that any Treachery was
meant against us, till towards the time of our coming away ;
when we observ’d several People, who had been before to view
Us, appear’d afterwards in an armed Posture, tho’ they brought
the Bdllocks, and we paid them what they demanded, which
was twenty Rupees per Head ; we bought also two S^ieep for
two Rupees a head, and a dozen of Fowls.

During the time we were trafficking, they were very alert,
flourishing their Swords, and making Motions as if cutting off
Heads. Our Lascar , or Interpreter, told us they were hatching
of Mischief against us, in order to pick a Quarrel ; and desired
us to make the best of our Way for our Vessels. We took his
Advice, and made what haste we could down to the Galley,
and carried with us what we had paid for. When we were
coming away, there being a great Number of Peacocks in
a large Tamarind-Tree just by, (which Peacocks arc very
plenty in this Country) lieutenant Rathbone ask’d if they were
wild or tame, and whether he might shoot one or two ? They
told him they were wild, and that any body might take what
they could of them ; not thinking, as we supposed, that wc
should presume to shoot at them. However, Lieutenant
Rathbone shot, andrkill’d three at once ; for I believe there were
near twenty in two Trees adjoining. Tliey neither seem’d much
pleased nor displeased at this ; but bid us take them with us.
We also got about 100 Weight of Flower of them, and some
Butter. We then set out on our Return to our Vessels, having
sent four Men with the two Bullocks, two Sheep, and the Fowls,
a considerable while before us. We kept our Colours flying all
the time that we were there ; and tho’ the Inhabitants seem’d
but few in number, yet they were of a bold and undaunted

BETWIXT THE MOGUL, ANGRIA, ETC. ' ' 101

Spirit ; and ’tis probable, that had we not stay’d out of the
Town*, they would not have been so civil to us as they proved.

While we lay in our Vessels, two Countrymen who were at
plow in a Field near us, brought down a fine Antilope they had
just catch’d ; but how they caught it, I cannot say ; for it
was at full Growth, and as fine a one as ever I saw jn my Life,
f gave them two Rupees for it, for which they seem’d very
thankful, and went away well contented*.

"We lay here about a Fortnight, when Captain Herring went
down for Surat in one of the Cambay Hoys, and left me to
follow Captain Dogget with the Yatch. We got safe down to
Surat in a short time, where we heard that the City was
besieged by the Angrians and Sedeys, vulgarly call’d Gonims;
but that the City was in a good posture of Defence, afid very
little J^lischief done by the Besiegers, who soon after raised
the Siege. 1

To return from this long Digression. I came back with our
Annabob to Guzurat, and we made another successful Expedi-
tion, destroying two Towns belonging to the Culeys ; and then
return’d to a Camp near Guzurat with the Army. Finding our
Annabob had no Design to go soon for Dilley, I desired leave
to quit the Mogul's Service, which was granted. The Annabob
gave me several ‘Marks of Respect, and thank’d me for my
Services in llis Army. I order’d my Servant, who had formerly
belong’d to a Dutch Merchant, and had been very faithful to
me, to convey my Baggage out of the Camp, and bring it $o
me at the Dutch Factory ; where it was secured till my going
down to Surat. I was not determin’d whether to go down to
Cambay j or to return to Surat. Therefore during my stay at
Guzurat , I wrote to Mr. Whittle at Cambay , requesting the
Favour of him to let me know if any English Vessel was there,
belonging to Bombay. Whether the Letter miscarried or no,
I cannot say, but I receiv’d no answer to it.

The Country being pretty quiet at this time, I resolv’d to
set out for Surat with the first Scaffolds of Merchants ; and

' j

1 This seems to belong £o November 1723, when Surat was threatened
by the M^athas, who encamped within three leagues of it ( Bombay
Consultations). If so, Downing has again mixed up his recollections.

182 ' * HISTORY OF THK INDIAN WARS,

provided my self accordingly. I got a Suit of Moors Apparel ;
and it being the Fashion of the Country to wear- Whiskers,
I had got a large Pair almost up to my Ears. f I order’d my
Man to hire a Coach to carry me for Br Oder ah, where I could
take a fresh Stage for Broach, and then the like for Surat .
I agreed with the Man for eight Rupees to go three Days
Journey for Broderah, he being to pay all the Expences on the
Road, and to feed his Cattle, cfcc. So that my Charge for my
three Days Journey was very reasonable. r

I set out the latter end of November, and join’d a large Train
of Coaches and Waggons, well loaded with all sorts of Merchan-
dize. I had pretty well feather’d my Nest during my stay in
tfie Mogul's Sdtvice, and the Butch Gentlemen offer’d to give
me Bilfs for my Money to be paid at Surat ; but I well knowing
how things had berti, was not willing to trust to their- -Bills,
but thought it more proper to take all my Cash with me ;
there being no Account of any Disturbances on the Roads.
Our first Day’s Journey was from Guzurat to Hugely ‘Scare, 1
where we were entertain’d in the Surcars, and the Cattle all
provided for. My Coachman was a very obliging Man, and
served me very well. There were two or three Armenian
Merchants that were travelling to Surat ; they had near forty
Waggons loaded with rich Merchandize : Being Christians,
I took the Opportunity of joining with then!', for the sake of
their Conversation, and dining in Company. Ouf first Day’s
Journey was pretty long f but wc got in early in the Evening.
We were alarm’d with a Noise of some of the Culey Party
coming, on which Account we drove very hard all Day, and
scarce stopt to give our Oxen a Bate : But it proved a false
Alarm. ,

Early the next Morning we set out for Noss, and that was
a longer Day’s Journey than the Day before ; so that we
were very much fatigued with travelling ; we did not stop
all Day, only to give the Cattle Water about Noon, and a
Mouthfull of Sugar-cane, which grows wild there, but

never comes to Perfection. Early in ttys Evening we got into
« •

X ‘ Scare ’ is doubtless meant sarai (see $. 139). The first stage
of the journey was probably to Nariad, and 1 Hugely ’ must<££ intended
for the name of a sarai there. ,

BETWIXT THE MOGUL, ANGRIA, j&TC. , 1 103 .

NSss, 1 a great Stage, where all Scaffolds and Merchants stop.
The inhabitants are Culeys, but have never been known to
behave rudely, to Travellers.

The next Morning, so soon as Day-light appear'd, we all
ferried over the River Noss ; 2 and the way leading between
two Hills of a considerable Height, in a very narrow Lane there
r‘et us a flying Party of the Angrians, about forty* in number,
who began to rummage amongst the foremost Merchants, and
tqpk some Money from several of them ; but seeing no End
of the Scaffold, they soon made off, and went towards the
Mountains, judging that there was a Guard in the Rear. I
would have fired my Pistols amongst them, but the Armenians
begged of me not to do it ; for they said if I did, and should
but draw Blood of one of them, they would certainly get
a Reinforcement, and return ; and then put all to the Sword.

In The Afternoon we got to Broderah , where we continued
three or four days ; it being a pleasant and delightful City,
and a Place of great Trade. There are here very fine Gardens,
pleasant Fountains, and great Variety of Entertainments to
divert you ; so tliat we recreated and refresh’d our selves, till
we thought fit to set out for Broach , which is two Days Journey
from Broderah . We halted the first Day at a small Culey
Village, that lay in the high Road for Broach ; here we rested
but very indifferently that Night. As the Country was still,
the People were manuring the Ground, planting and trans-
planting their Cotton-Trees, and watering their Grounds
from Sun-rising to Sun-set. a

Early in the Morning we set out for Broach , where we arrived
the next Day. I went to the Dutch Factory, where I was very
handsomely entertain’d ; and here I found Captain Lynes
who pretended a great deal of Joy for my Welfare, and pro-
fessed a great Concern for the Death of Mr. Webb. I tarried
here four Days, and was handsomely entertain’d by the Dutch
Governors ; and the Gentlemen who were come down from
Guzurat , treated me with great Civility. At my first Arrival,
the Chief of the Factory and his Lady were gone for the Benefit
of the Air into the Gardens, and Captain Lynes with them.
This Gentleman, whp was next in Command to the* Chief,

: Apparently Wasad. * The Mahi.

0

194 ' . iJjSTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS,

f

told me, that Captain Lynes was much in favour with 9 the
Governour, and that he learn’d him to play on the Flute ;
that he wa6 also much respected by the Gei^lemen of the
Place. # So soon as the Chief came home, he was inform'd of
my Arrival there ; he sent Captain Lynes to desire me to sup
with him. Accordingly I paid my Respects to him, and after
Supper we diverted ourselves till towards Midnight. *-

It was on the Saturday Night I arrived there ; the Sunday
they kept very strict, employing themselves in singings of
Psalms, reading in Publick, and the like. They desired me to
join with them in their Worship, which, in Duty to God for
his many Mercies, I readily did. The next Day we were very
merry and diverting ; and on the Wednesday following, I took
my Loave of them. When I got on the other Side the River
of Broach , there were many and various Reports concerning
the Angrians , though we saw nothing of them all the way ; for
at Concass we halted again, to let the Oxen drink ; and that
Night reach’d within twelve Hours of Surat , and there rested.

The next Morning we set out ; and in the way met a Party
of ShohomeVs Army of near 400. At first sight we were much
surprized, and did suppose that they were the Angrians.
They had been to guard a small Quantity of Money to the
Divan of a little Town belonging to the Moors , lying near the
River-side. They let us know, that the Ajinabob was close
at their Heels, in order to be leveng’d on the ^Lngrians, on
account of Susurrah , whom they still kept torturing in a cruel
Manner. About Noon v/e arrived at Surat , where I was gladly
receiv’d by my Acquaintance, and Friends. I went and paid
my Respects to the worshipful Mr. John Hope , who was then
Chief at Surat , who seem’d well satisfied at my Return from
the Moors Service, and told me at present there was no
Business stirring ;°but so soon as there was, he would find me
Employment. I return’d him my Thanks, and waited on him
several times after.

When I formerly went from Surat , I left a large portmanteau
Trunk full of Clothes there ; which I now found safe, and not
the lgast Thing missing. I went to m»y old House qf Enter-
taiqpient, where- 1 was made welcome ; and -continued there
till I got into Business, at very little Expences. 'S&V’Matthew

BETWIXT THE MOGUL, ANGRIA, )&TC. . ' 195 ,

Waldron was Master of this House ; he had two beautiful
Daughters, both married to Men of good Fortunes. I had now
a particular Correspondence with the Doctor of the Factory,
who came to visit me every Evening, and told me how things
had been represented, on my taking on in the Moors Service.

J told him, as I was a free Man, I had liberty to serve them that
p'iid best, and that it was Curiosity led me to see the Country,
dbc. JHe constantly shewed mo a great deal of Friendship, with
Sincerity and Good-nature. I always paid the Governour the
utmost Respect, and he frequently enquired after my Health.
He enquired also after the Death of Mr. Webb ; and told me,
he was sorry that such Men as he and I should take a Ramble
in those strange and remote Parts of the World. I must
confess the Gentleman seem’d much my Friend, in advising
me never to attempt the like again ; for he said, it was sufficient
for WSft to be frolicksome once in their Life-time. I here got
the Account of the preceeding Wars at Bombay , and Angria* s
further Progress, which I have mention’d.

I continued here above a Week, and then resolv’d to come
for England ; which I did in the King George , Captain John
Houghton ; with whom I acted as fourth Mate. When I left
India , the Company had near thirty Ships of War and Galleys
in their Service, of different Force ; which were sufficient to
have destroy’d Angria's Naval Power, could they come to
a fair Engagement. But his Advantage lies in laying hold of
Opportunities to attack our Ships with superior Force, and
then retiring to his Ports ; where ’tis difficult to attack him
with success.

I have been in seven Engagements against Angria, and never
receiv’d a Wound (thanks be to God ;) tho’ I have, as before
related, had sixteen Men kill’d in the Boat I had the Direction
of, at the Siege of one af his Castles.

Since' my Arrival in England , there have been Accounts of
Angria* s taking several of the East-India Company’s Ships ;
and that he goes on to strengthen himself, and seems to bid
defiance, to all our Attempts to suppress him, as they have
hitherto been unsuccessful : occasion’d either by the Cowardice,
ill CondtMror Treachery of some of those employ’d. But were

O 2

196 HISTORY OF THE INDIAN WARS.

our Naval and Land-Forces in those Parts put under proper
Discipline, and commanded by Officers well acquainted, with
the Coasts of India ; Men of Courage, Conduct u/ and Fidelity ;
I doubt not but in a short time he might be disabled from doing
us any more Mischief, and an entire stop put to his Pyracies.

I shall not mention any thing here of my own Behaviour ;
there are living Witnesses of that s I am waiting for rn
Opportunity to be ehiploy’d in the India Company's Service,
who, I am inform'd, are making Preparations to suppress this
powerful Robber ; which that they may effectually do, is
the hearty Desire, of their most obedient humble Servant,

CLEMENT DOWNING.

INDEX

Abland, Capt., 63.

Adair* James, 61, 104, 107, 109. •

Adams, Robert, 17, 25, 48.

Addison, the, xiv, xyi, 11, 35-6, 59.
Affleck, Lieut., 27.

Ahmadabad, xxvii, xxviii, 137-91
passim ; described, 145; ''Dutch
at, 145-6, 179, 181-2, 191-3;
French at, 137, 145.

Aislabie, William, vi, 12, 34 n.
Algiers, 74.

AJibog^iv, 121, 157 ; position of,

xx, 53 n. t 56 n. ; Kanhoji takes,
125; the English attack, xx,

xxi, 50, 53-7, 82-3, 124.
Allatabenney Bay, 89.

Amber, Cape, 85, 88.

Angerah, 148.

Anglesey , the, 6.

Angria. See Kanhoji, Purah, and
Tukoji.

Anjengo, 181; situation of, 41 ;
English at, viii, 13, 19 n. t 48, 92 ;
massacre at, 40-2’, 46.

Anjha, 148 n. * *

Anjidiv, 22, 32.

‘Annabob’, passim ; term ex-
plained, 127 n.

Anne ketch, the, 12.

Anne ship, the, 26.

Anselm, Qapt., 67.

Antelope., an, 191.

Antdope , the, 27.

Antongil Bay. See Ranter Bay.

Ap Rice, Capt. John, 6 n.

Arabella, the, 14.

Arabs, 7, 156, 173; trade of, 25,
130; in Mughal army, 142-4,
178, 185. f

Ardhanarisvara, 158 n .

Armenians, 192-3
Arrack, price of, 143. ,

Atlasses^Wk
Attinga, 42 n.

Aurangzeb, 173.

Avery, Capt. Henry, 85, 97, 105,
1 14, 1 16-17 ; his son, see Mulatto
Tom.

Bab-el-Mandeb, 45, 63, 89, 102.
Bairam festival, 155.

Baitkul Cove, x, 22.

Bandra, 33 n. •

Banyans, 176-7.

Barbadoes, 83, 90-1, 93.

Barnes, Jofcn, 44 n. y 58.

Barodfl, 111, 135-9, 153-4, 159, 160,
181, 192-3; described, 193;
palace at, 142 ; Dutch at, 139,
181.

Barrington , the, 28, 44-5.

Bassein, 6, 50 n., 58, 78.

Bassett, Henry, 61-2.

Bedcove, 22.

Bellamy, Leonard, 54, 56.

Bellew, John, 18, 27, 29, 40, 188 n.
Bellisle, 74.

Bencoolen, 124.

Bendall, Ephraim, 33 n., 34, 64.
Benfield, Capt. R., 86, 86 n., 113.
Bengal, 14, 58, 120, 140; trade
with, 26-8, 42, 92 ; English m,
11, 26, 28 n., 173 ; Mathews goes
to, xxiv, 63, 65-6, 88.

Bengal galley, 65, 66 n.

Berkeley, Lieut. William, 74, 78,
81 n. f 82 %

Berkeley, Lord, 74.

Berlu, John, 92 n. ; his widow, 92.
Berwick , the, 113.

Blackboard (pirate), 111.

BlackwaU Yard, 65.

Blakeway, Lieut James, 80-1.
Blenheim, the, 6, 14.

‘ Blighty ’, 140 w. j

Bodaam, Capt., 23-9, 92. %

Boddam, Charles, 28 n.

Boddam, Rau«on Hart, 28 n.

’ 108

INDEX

Bombay, passim ; its size and
position, 7, 35 ; custom house at,
32 ; wall built round, 15, 31 ;
shipbuilding at, 15, 17-18, 26-7,
34, 3b ; its transfer to the Eng-
lish, 6, 32.

Bombay galley, the, 65-6, 132.

Bombay Merchant , the, 50 n.

Bonnell, Jeremiah, 18.

Boone, Charles, goes to' Bombay,
vi, 5; his administration, viii-
xxii, 14-15, 29, 31, 35, 39, 57-8,
127, 128 n. ; concludes agreement
with Kanhoji, 23-4; at the
attack on Khanderi, xiv, 11, 36-
8 ; visits Surat, xiv, 28-9, 174 ;
relations with Portuguese, xx,
31-5; with Mathews, xix, 52, 79;
leaves India, xxii, 57-8, 83, 182 ;
his family, 83.

Boone, Elizabeth, 83 n.

Boone, Capt. Thomas, 26-7, 83 to.

Boone frigate, the, 26.

Boston, 98.

Boucher, Lieut., 82.

Bouverie , the, 36.

Braddyll, John, xxii, xxiii, 83.

Brahmins, 158, 183.

Braithwait, Lieut. Samuel, 53 to.,
71, 79, 91 ; transferred, 59, 65,
84 89.

Bristol, i09, 117.

Britannia , the, xi, 14-15, 18-19, 27,
37 47 79.

Broach/ 135-7, 139, 153, 159-51,
171-2, 180-1, 186, 193; the
Dutch at, 193-4.

Brown, Eleanora, 105, 111-13, 120.

Brown, Lieut., 27.

Brown, Walter, 46, 48-9.

Bull, Capt., 27.

Burgen, Hans, 61, 104-5, 107, 109,
111, 114; killed, 116.

Burleigh. See Bellew.

Burlings, the, 73.

Calcutta, 151. See also Bengal.
Caldecoc, Lieut., 60, 71, 92.
Caleb, King, 109.

Calicut, 17.

Calicut Merchant , the, viii.

Cambay, xxii, 168-9, 175, 178-9*
187, 1 91 ; the English at, 1 87.

Campeachy Bay, 98. -

- Candy (weight), 41.

Cape Coast Castle, 101, 118.

Cape of Good Hope, 52, 59, 75-6,
90-1, 93.

Cape Verd Islands, 52, 75. ^

Cardmnd , the, 36.

Carlisfe, Lieut., 27.

Carmania, 155, 178.

Carnarvon , the, 46.

Carpenter, Capt., 59 to. ; his tomb,
60, 85.

Carpenter’s Bay, 59 to., 60 to., 84-5 ;
origin of the name, 59 n.

Carter, Capt., 36.

Carthagena, 62.

Cascaes, 73.

Cassandra , the, taken, 4 Z-6 f 71,
102 ; her career under the
pirates, 47-8, 51, 60, 62, 87, 103,
106.

Cave, Henry, 13.

Chandos, the, 45 n. , 46, 58-9, 83.

Charles , the, 26-7.

Charlotte , the, 26 n.

Chamock Point, 60, 85, 87-8, 97,
103, 106, 113-14.

Chauki, 154.

Chaul, xx, 53-4, 56 n., 123.

Cheater, Robert, 74.

Chester, 108.

Chimnah, 111, 175, 187-8.

Chin Kilich Khan. See Nizam-ul-
Mulk.

China, 25, 50, 103 ; English trade
with, 26-7, 41, 46 n., 86, 92.

Chocolate Hole, 61, 87, 97, 118.

Chown, Thomas, 12.

Christie, Daniel, 86 to., 113.

Cockbum, Cfcpt. John, xix, 81, 179 ;
goes to East Indies, 50-1, 71-9 ;
movements there, 63, 64 to., 89,
90; joins in search for the
pirates, 59-62, 84r-8, 113; sus-
pended, xxiv, 64 to., 89; trans-
ferred, 65, 89; goes home, 91.
See also Salisbury , the.

Cockburri, Lieut. William, 78-9.

Cockey Bay, 60 n.

I ‘ Cofferey \ 7, 8, 8 to., 10, 156.

INDEX 100

Cohorns, xvi, xx f 29, 152, 161.
Collet^ Capt,, 13. ^

Comorin, Cape, £5, 41, 59, 137.
Comoro Islands* See Johanna.
Concas, 135, 139, 154, 194.

Cook, Gerard, 11.

Cook, Katherine. See Gifford, Mrs.
Qgok, Lieut., 58, 72, 82, 88.

Cooke, Humphrey, 32-4, 64. %

Coolibs, 7. •

Copenhagen, 105.

Colleen, 33 n.

Cornwall, Capt. H., x n., 26, 30.
Cowan, Robert, xx, xxi, 33^., 34,
53-6, 66.

Cowries, 63, 89.

Craddock, James, 38.

Crawford, Lieut. John, 54, 72, 80,
8©-7, 89.

CreStt^pt., 105.

Crewganwell, — , 26.

Crichfoy. See Christie.

Cricket, 189.

Curgenven, — , 26 n.

Dabhol, 31, 122, 129.

Dalrymple, David, 70, 81-3.
Dalrymple, Sir David, 83.

Daniel, Capt., 27.

Danish pirate. See Burgen.

Darby, John, 108. ,

Darogha , 142-^4, 148.

Dartmouth , the, xiv, 35-6.

Dauphin, Fort or Port, 51, 60, 62,
85, 103-4, 110-12, 114-16, 119;
King v»f , 110, 112, 115, 118-19.
Davis, Francis, 88, 89 n.

Davis, John, 150-1.

Dawes, Capt., 28, 36.

Dawson, the, 63, 86, 89, 113, 114 n.
De Almeida, Joao Fernarfdes, 34,
53, 55-7, 64.

Dean, Bichard, 98.

De Castro, Manoel, 35, 37,' 39,
124-5.

Decoy, the, 132, 132 n., 181.

De Ericeira, Conde, 47, 8f* 103.
Defiance' the, 12, 14 n., 18, 19 n.,
27, 47^79. *

DefiancefpSkte), the, 99.

Delhi, xxvii, xx^iii, 135, 139-41,

146-7, 150, 156-7, 160, 172, 182,
191.

Delly, Mount, 48, 113.

Deogarh Island, 21, 117.

Deptford, 38, 65. •

Derby, the, 66.

De Sampaio e Castro, Francisco
Jose, Viceroy, 59, % 65 n. ; his
relations with the English, xx,
33 7/., 34 ; joins in attacking
Alibag, xx, xxi, 53-5, 57.

Desbouverie, the, 36.

De Silvestro, Anthony, 111, 182,
184-5.

Dick, King, 105-12, 115.

Dimities, 175.

Diwan, 104, 187, % 194.

Dogget, Capt., 49, 188-9, 191.

Dolben, the, % 28-9.

Dongri, 7.

Don Mascarenhas. See Reunion.

Dover, the, 74.

Downing, Clement, passim ; re-
counts his services, 181, 195 ;
his linguistic acquirements, 59,
70 ; and knowledge of naviga-
tion, 78 ; his tract on the Persian
wars, 145 ; his wife, viii, xxix ;
his career, see Introduction.

Drake, the, 27.

Duckly Islands, 21; 117.

Duke of York , the, xvi, 28-9, 36.

Dutch, the, and Angria, 31, 64, 66,
129 ; their trade in India, 134,
136-9, 153-4, 177, 181. See aho
Ahmadabad, Broach, and Surat.

Dutchmen in English service, 17 ;
in Angria’s employ, 17, 64, 66,
119, 120, 125-6, 129, 150-2; in
Mughal service, 111, 156, 161,
172, 182, <*184, 187 ; among the
pirates, 109, 111-12, 119-21.

Eagle, the, 27, 49, 50.

East India Company, passim.

Elizabeth, the, 18 n .

Elliot, Lieut. James, 71, 78. *

Emilia, the, xxii, 78.

Exeter, the, 53. 65, 81-2 ; goes out,
xix, 50-2, 7^-6 ; movements in

200

INDEX

the East, 56 n., 57-9, 63, 79, 84,
89 ; takes part in the Madagascar
cruise, xxiv, 59-61, 84-8, 97 ;
goes home, xxv, 65, 67, 90.
Expedition , the, 100, 102.

Fakirs , 155, 162.

Falmouth, 96.

Fame, the, viii, 14^15, 17-18, 27,
36-7, 63, 79, 89.

Fancy , the (pirate), 43 n., 100-2 ;
given to Macrae, 44, 103 ; sold,

45, 90.

Farrash , 7.

Fazakerly, William, 46.

Ferret, the, 27.

Festivals, 155, 183.

Field, Capt., 72.

Fireworks, 146.

Fleetwood, Miles, 15 n.

Fly , the, 27.

Forbes, Capt. James, 27.

Forbes, Lieut., 21.

Fordwich, the, 92.

Fort St. David, 42 n., 91-2.

Fort St. George. Sec Madras.

Fort St. George galley, the, 65.
Frankland, Henry, 28.

French, the, 137 ; trade in Gujarat,
136-7, 139 ; at Ahmadabiid, 137,
145 ; at Surat, 172-3 ; at
Mauritius, 59 n. ; at Reunion,

46, 85 ; take an English ship, 26 ;
pirates, 119.

‘^Frontier’, 16.

‘ Frost ’, 7.

Galleyvats, passim ; described, 16.
Gambia, 99.

Gayer, Sir John, 34 n., 174.
Gentoos. See Jentews.

Ghenims. See Gonims.

Gheria, xiii, xx w., 6, 26, 67, 121-3,
127, 133, 156-7 ; described, 29,
30 ; English attacks upon, xvi,
xvii, 28-31, 40, 46 n., 48 n., 49,
c 120.

Ghubbet Binna, 89 n.

Gifford, ‘William, 12-13, 40 ; killed,
13, 41-2, 46, 66.

Gifford, Mrs., xxiv, 11-13, 41 n. t
42, 46, 66, 92.

Gilbert, Capt. T., 46 n.

Gilead. .balm of, 45. »

Goa, 6, 25, 65 ; English visit, 33 n.,
58, 84, 92; Viceroy of, see De
Ericeira arid De Sampaio.
Godolphin , the, 6, 14.

Gogo, 17, 28, 171.

Gold Coast, the, 101. 9

Gonims, 171, 172 n., 191.

Gorddn, Capt., 20-1, 28, 30.
Gosfright, Richard, 36 n.

Gosport, 108.

Gossel, Capt., 36.

Grabs, passim ; term explained,
10 n.

Granadoes, 152, 161.

Grantham, the, 13, 51-2, 72, 75-9.
Grassias, 172 n.

Great George, the, 28.

Green, Samuel, 38. *

Greenhill, Capt., 54.

Greenwich, the, 42-4, 58, 79, 81,
83, 102.

Greenwood, Capt., 27.

Guinea, 101, 1()5 ; the pirates and,
43, 87, 99-101.

Gujarat, xxvii, xxviii. See also
Ahmadabad.

Haidar Kuli Khan, xxvii, xxviii,
135, 139 n., 144, 146-8.

Hamid Khan, xxvii, xxviii, 155-7,
160, 163 n., 186-7,‘ 194.
Hamilton, Capt. Alex., made com-
modore, ix, 18 ; and the Karwar
operations, ix-xi, 18 n ., 19, 20 ;
resigns, xi, 27. *

Harrison, Edward, 28.

Hart, Mary, 28 n.

Hart, Rawson, 28.

Harvey, Capt. John, 40.

Harvey, Governor John, 11, 12 n.
Harvey, John (pirate), 98.

Harwich, the, 6.

Has lings , the, 7 n.

Hawk, the, 27.

Hawkins, Lieut., 27.

Hazard, ^ame of, 81.

Henery. See Underi.

Hermond, Lieut., 27.

Herring, Capt., 27, 188, *tfi.

Hicks, Capt., 36.

INDEX

201

Hill,—, 20.

Hockta;, Capt., 172. x

Holt, Capt. John, xi, 19, 19 ft., 20,
23-4.

Hope, John, 194-5.

Horne, John, 33.

Houghton, Capt., 67, 195.

Hjmnd , the, 27.

Hoydos (idol), 184, 186.

Hudson, Capt., 11. •

Hugely, Scar. See Nariad.
hunter, the, xxii, 27, 31, 49, 50 n.,
79, 188.

Ibrahim Kuli Khan, 139.

Ince, Samuel, 42 n.

Ingram, Capt., 6, 14.

Ispahan, 165-6.

Jama3mH>l-2, 87, 97-9.

James, Capt., 99.

James, John (pirate), 98.

Janjira, xiii, 8 n., 127 n.

Jefferson, William, 57.

4 Jentews’, 126-7, 132, 158, 172 ft.
Jobson, Capt., 66, 68.

Johanna, 63, 75 n., 77, 88-9 ;
described, 43, 78, 88 ; pirates at,
102 , 120 .

Johnson, Capt. (pirate), 100.
Johnson, John, 54, 56, 58-9, 72,
83-4. ,

Johnson, Lieut.', 27.

Johnson, Sir Robert, xxiii, 50, 54,
58-9, 72, 74-6, 79-81, 83-4;
death of, 59, 84.

Johnson, Robert, 58-9, 84.

Jones-, Anthony. See He Silvestro.
Jones, Henry, 98.

»

Kdfila , 136 n.

Kafir, See Cofferey. *
Kala-Bhajrava, 159 n,

Kanarese people, the, 7, 10, 39 ;

language, 152. *

Kanhoji Angria, passim ; his origin,
xi, 6-10, 156; his attacks on
shipping, xi-xiv, 6, 11-J3, 24,
26, 40, 49, 66-7, 122-3, 125, 129,
180, 195-6 ; obtains possession
of RfianSSfi, xii, 9, 10 n. f 122,
132 ; attacks Unjjleri, 127 ; agree-

ments between English and, xii,
13-14, 23-4 ; hostilities between
English and, xii-xvi, 26, 50,
64-6, 124, 129, 131-2 ; hostilities
between the Mughals and, 133-
87 ; his relations with the
4 Grand Sedey *, xi, 9, 10, 122,
125-30, 132-3, 135, 141, 159, 172 ;
with the Kfrem Savants, xiii, 15,
122, 128, 130, 132, 159 ; with the
Dutch, 31, 64, 66, 129 ; with the
Portuguese, xx, xxi, 10, 11, 33,
40, 56 ft., 66, 123, 125-7, 129;
Plantain joins, 120-2, 132, 151-2 ;
Europeans in his service, 17, 33,
35, 64, 66, 120, 125-6, 129-31,
150-2. ' *

Karanja, 34, 123, 126-7, 129, 131.

Karwar, viii, ix, xvi, 14-15, 17-18,
22, 117 ; English at, ix-xi, 11,
12, 22-3, 92 ; Raja of, ix, xi, 18,
20-2, 123, 128, 159 ; war with,
ix-xi, 18-22, 35.

Karwar Bay, 20-1.

Karwar River, 21-2.

Kelly, King, 106-12, 114-15, 118-
19.

Kelve-Mahim, 50 n.

Khanderi, 10, 12, 40, 127 ; situa-
tion of, xiv, 6 n., 10, 35 ; descrip-
tions of, 10, 124; Kanhoji in
possession of, xii, 6, 9, 10 n.,
122-5, 132-3 ; English attack
upon, xiv, xvii, 11, 35-8, 128 n.

Khenf Savants, the, 15, 22, 122,
125 ; piracies of, 17, 25, 132^
Angria and, xiii, 15, 122, 128,
130, 132, 159.

Kidd, Capt., 21, 117.

Kidd’s Island, 21, 117.

Kiffin, William, 41 n.

King George , the, xxviii, xxix, 67,
86, 87 ft., 195.

Kirby, Capt., 43-4, 102.

Kolaba, xx, 6, 26, 40, 56 ft., 154;
situation of, 6 ft., 53 ft., 56 ft. ;
Angria master of, xiii, 123, 125-6*
129, 133 ; English attack upon,
xvi, xx. *

Kolhapur, 17 ft. •

Kolis, the, 7 ft., 172 ft., 187-93 ;
described, 1 149, 176-8; the

202

INDEX

Mughals and, xxviii, 138-9, 146-
7, 155-6, 175-9, 183-7, 191.

Kotwal, 164, 169-71, 177.

Kurmagad Island, 21.

i

Lake, Samuel, 86.

Larree Point, 60 n.

Lascars, 18$ 190. -

Law, Sarah, 67.

Law, Stephen, 67.

Laws, Capt., 62.

Lawson, Capt., 40, 64, 65 n., 66,
131.

Lazenby, Richard, 43 n.

Lee, John, 86, 87 n.

Lee, Lieut., 27.

Leith, J04.

Leopard \ the, 27.

Lethulier, the, 92.

Lewis, — , 132.

Lion , the, 53 n., 54, 56 n., 57 ; goes
to the East, xix, 50-2, 71-2, 79,
80 ; goes to Madagascar, 84, 97 ;
subsequent movements, xxiv, 63,
90-2 ; returns to England, xxv,
93.

Lisbon, xix, 51-2, 73-5.

Lisle, Capt., 113.

Lisle, Christopher, 86, U3, 114 n.,
151.

Litchfield , the, 6, 7 n.

Littleton, Commodore, 6, 7 n.

Lizard , the, 6.

Lloyd, Thomas, 109.

London, the, 46-9, 58, 79, 83, 103,
189.

London Prentice, the, 158.

Loyal Bliss, the, 11 n.

Lyell, Capt. Robert, 49, 91.

Lynes, Capt. John, 136, 139, 153,
180-1, 193-4.

Lyon, Capt. See Lynes.

Macrae, Capt. James 42, 45 n. ; his
encounter with the pirates, 43-5,

< 90, 102-3.

Madagascar, 84, 107, 109, 110, 114 ;
frequented by the pirates, 46, 50,
97, 105. See also Plantain, St.
Mary’s, St. Augustine’s Bay, &c.

Madeira, 75.

Madras, 42, 58, 124; ships at,
xxiv. 14, 84, 86, 87. w., 88*90-1 ;
English at, 23, £8, 28 n. t 65, 173 ;
Governors of, 28, 42, 42 n. t 188 n.

Mahi River, 193. *

Mahlm, xiv, 7, 33, 33 n.

Mahul, 64 n.

Maine, Capt. Covel, xxv, 50, 54,
72, 79, 84.

Majifoga, 63 n.

Malabars, the, 159.

Malays, 124.

Malvan, xiii, 17 n. ; pirates of, 17,
25 v 132.

Malwa, xxvii, xxviii.

Manchua , xx, 14.

Mdndavi , 32, 34.

Manegora Bay, 62, 63 w., 88, 112,

! 114. See also Kelly.

Mangalore, xi, 15, 23, ; 123 ;

described, 24 ; Raja of, 159.

Marathas, the, 8, 171, 172 n. ; wars
with the Mughals, xxvii, xxviii,
128-9, 133-87. See also Shahu
and Kanhoji.

Marlborough, Earl of, 6 n.

Martin, Capt. John, 5.

Martin, Capt. Thomas, 27, 49, 50 n.

Maryland, 111.

Massalege, 63, 88, 107-9 ; King of,
see Dick.

.Massey, Capt. Charles, xxx.

Mathews, Commodore, xviii, 80,
82-3 ; goes to the East Indies,
xviii, 50-1, 71-3, 76, 78-9, 104 ;
reaches Bombay, xix, 52, 79 ;
disputes with the President, xix,
xxiii, xxiv, 52, 79 ; joins in
attacking Allbag, xx,* xxi, 53-5,
57 ; wounded, 55 ; subsequent
proceedings, xxiii-xxv, 57-8,
63-6," 84, 86, 87 n. t 88-91 ; his
cruise to Madagascar, xxiv, 59-
63, 84-8, 104-5, 109 ; his trading
operations, xix, 65, 83, 90, 92 ;
returns to England, xxv, 66,
92-3 ; proceedings against, xxv.

Matthews, Capt. See Matthias.

Matthias, Capt. William, 18, 27.

Mauritius, 46 w., 59, 84-5, 104;
French at, 59 n. ■***

Mawson, Capt., 36.

INDEX 203

Mendham’s Point, 31.

Mermhjd, the, 62, 117. ^

Merry Christmas^the, 100 n.
Micham, — , 72.

Midford, Blacket, 19-20.

Millia, Henry, 98.

Mills, William, 108.

Mipins, John, 29.

Mint at Surat, 174. (

.Mitchell, — , 81. 1

Mocha, 88, 89 ; English ships visit,
xf ii, 29, 36, 90-2.

Modhera, 176 n.

Mohurs, 142 n. , „

Monmouth, the, 75.

Montagu , the, xxx.

Moore, William, 62, 99, 119.
Morgan, Lieut., 82.

Meeting Star , the, ix, 19.

Morri&r* he, xvii, xviii, 28-9, 36-
40, 124.

Mozambique, 63, 88-9, 102.

Mufti , 153, 165-71.

Muhammad Shah, the Emperor,
xxvii, 141, 147-8, 155, 157, 160,
171, 183, 186; his bodyguard,
172 ; Europeans in the service
of, 135, 145, 148, 156, 160-2, 172,
182, 184, 186-7. See also

Marathas and Kolis.

Mukhavar, 41.

Mulatto Tom, 106, 114-17. 9

Mulberry Island, 111.

Muskat, 14, 22, 123, 128.

Narbada River, 186-7, 194.

Nariad, K>3, 192.

Navroji Rustomji, xxiv, 90-1, 174.
Nayars, 25, 41.

Nightingah, the, 59, 65.
Nizam-ul-Mulk, the, xxvii, xxviii,
140, 147-8, 155 n., 182. *

North, General of the, 33. See also
De Almeida.

North-West Harbour, 59 n. *
Noss, 192-3.

Ockham, the, 66. o

Ogle, Sir thalloner, 101.

Onslow, Jhe, 99, 100. c

Osteifd, ship? from, 43, 86.

Otter, the, xiv. «

Oxford, the, 28.

Oyster Rocks, 21.

Parker, Laurence, xxiii, 83.

Parrot, Capt., 6, 14. *

Partridge shot, 103, 157.

Parvoe. See Purvo.

Passwater, Cajpt., 14-K, 18, 27.

Pathans, 172 n.

Pattamar, T35, 153, 156, 160.

Peacock, Capt., 13, 28, 36, 39, 124.

Peacocks shot, 190.

Pen, town, 9 n . ; river, 9, 127.

Peon , 9.

Persia, 165, 169 ; trade with, 14,
29, 36, 44.

Persians, 145 ; story of a Persian
merchant, 165-71. 0

Pieter Both’s Bay, 59 n.

Phipps,* William, xxii, xxiii, xxiv,
57-8, 63-4, 65 n.

Pilaji Gackwar, 134 n.

Pioneers, 54.

Pirates (European), depredations of,
xviii, 43-6, 50, 61 n., 85, 97-103,
110, 120-1 ; action with Bombay
fleet, 47-9, 103 ; avoid Mathew’s
squadron, xxiv, 51, 76, 85, 104.
See also Mathews, Plantain, St.
Mary’s, &c.

Pirates’ Island, 60 n.

Pitlad, 139 n.

Pitt, Capt. W. G., 5, 36.

Plantain, James or John, origin ot,
61, »7, 97-8 ; establishes himself
in Madagascar, 104-19, 150-1;
his dealings with the English,
61-2, 87-8 ; kills Lisle, 113-14,
151 ; leaves Madagascar and
joins Angria, 119-22, 132, 151-2.

Plymouth, 89.

Poplar, 111.

Port Dolphin. See Dauphin.

Portland, Duke of, 62.

Portobello, 62.

Portsmouth, 71-2, 91, 93.

Portuguese, passim ; relations be-
tween English and, xx, xxiv, 6,
21, 31-5, 63-5, 89 ; jfbin in
attacking Allbag,' xx, 53-7 ;
Kanhoji and. xx, 10, 11, 33, 40,
56 n„ 66, 123, 125-7, 129 ; in his

204

INDEX

service, 33, 35, 126, 150-2; in
Mughal service, 111, 182; ship
taken by pirates, 47, 85, 87, 103.
See also Goa, Surat, Viceroy, dbc.
Prahm , the, 39, 46-7 ; burnt, 49,
103.

Princess , the, 117.

Princess Amelia, the, 27.
Prosperous, the, 99.

Province, Edward, 57.

Purah Angria and his family, 7-9.
Purah-Purah, 122.

Purvo, 141, 143-4, 148.

Pyke, Isaac, 93, 124.

Queen, the, vi, viii, 5.
•Quills ’ (coils), i20.

Rairi, viii, 16 n.

Rajapur, 12 n.

Raja Ram, 130 n.

Raja's Island, 21.

Rajputs, 172 n.

Rama Kamat, 128.

Ramas, Cape, 15, 65 n.

Ranter Bay, 86-7, 108, 112 ; posi-
tion of, 61 ; pirates at, 104, 109,
118-19; Plantain King of, 61,
97, 104 ; his castle there, 105-6,
114, 116-19.

Rathbone, Lieut., 189, 190.

Reddish, Capt., 50, 55 n., 60 n.,
61 n., 71, 79.

Red Sea, the, 43. See also Mocha.

Reid, Capt., 14.

Stnown, the, 117.

Reunion, pirates at, 40-7, 103 ;
English visit, 60, 85 ; French at,
46, 85.

Revenge, the, viii, 14-15, 17-18, 27,
79 ; in action, 36-7. 47-9, 65 n.

Rhode Island, 98-9.

Rice, cost of, 163.

Robert, the, xiii.

Roberts, Bartholomew, 96-101,118.

Rodriguez, 46 n.

Rupee, value of, 37, 173.

Russell, Admiral, 37.

Russel^ Gideon, 37-8, 81.

Rusftdl, John,* 81 n., 82.

Rustam Ali Khan,, xxviii, 137-9,
•148- 50, 152, 156-63, 174-6, 178-

9, 182-7, 191, 194 ; Downing's
service under, 135, 139-64^71-9,
183^7, 191.

St. Augustine’s Bay, 51, 75 n.{
76-7, 118; natives at, 77;
pirates at, 51, 76-7, 101, 104, 109,
117. See c ilso William, Prince.

St. George , the, 40.

'St. George’s Islands, 15-16.

St. Helena, 39, 67, 90-1, 93, 124;*
account of, 93.

St. John’s. See Sanjan.

St. Mary ’ b island, position of, 45 n . ;
pirates at, 45, 47, 50, 85-7, 102,
105-6, 109, 114, 117, 120;
English visit, xxiv, 60-3, 84-7,
109 ; King of, 86, 102.

St. Paul’s Bay, 85 n.

St. Philip’s Bay, 85.

Salamander, the, 27.

Salisbury, the, 54 n., 56 n., 57,
65 n ., 81, 113-14, 179-80 ; goes
to the East Indies, xix, 50-2,
71-8, 104 ; arrives at Bombay,
xix, 52, 75 n., 79; subsequent
movements, 65, 88-91 ; the
cruise to Madagascar, xxiii, 59-
63, 84-8, 97, 119 ; goes home,
xxv, 67, 91.

Salsette (near Bombay), 33 n., 34 n.

Salutes, rules tor, 78-9.

Sambo Angria, 8 n.

Samms, Capt., 27.

Samuel, the, 28.

Samuel and Mary, the, 12, 14.

Sanganians, the, 17, 111, 180.

Sanjan, 58, 65 n., 78, 84 ; position
of, 78 n.

Santiago, 75-6.

Sarai , 139 n., 192 ; described, 154.

Sarbulaiid Khan, xxviii.

Savage, — , 70, 79, 80.

Savantwadi. See Khem Savants.

‘ Scaffold ’, 136-40, 153-4, 177, 181,
191.

Sclater. See Slaughter.

Seager, Jasper, 43 n., 44, 46, 59,
100-1, 104, 119, 120; in Mada-
gascar^ 87, 102, 105, 108 ; death
of, 119.

‘Sedey, the Grand’, 8, 9, 30-1,

INDEX

1(3 ; and Kanhoji, xi-xiii, S, 10,

1 125-30, 132-3, 135, 141, 159,

172 \ at war with the B%ghals,
xxvii, 123-9, 153-87, 191 ; death
of, 130.

Sedgwick, Capt., 187-8.

Sepoys, 126.

Seraglio, 173.

Sprang, 144.

Sewri, 34, 63, 64 a. %

Shad Well, 98.

Shajp, Baja, xi, xxi, 8 n. See
Sedey.

Shepherd, Capt., 92.

Sherborne , the, 26. • ^

Shipbuilding. See Bombay ana
TSurat.

Shipman, Sir Abraham, 22 n., 32.

Shirgaon, 50 n.

Shcreham, the, 54 n., 79, 80, 85 ;
goes uit, xix, 50-1, 72-3, 75-6,

109 ; arrives at Bombay, xix,

52 ; subsequent movements, 54,

57-8, 84, 91-2 ; goes home, xxv,

93.

Shuja'at Khan, xxviii, 139, 149,

155, 157, 160-1 ; captured and
killed, 163, 194.

Sindhudurg, 17 n.

Si5n, 7. «

Sivaji, 17 n.

Slaughter, William, 07, 124.

Slaves, trade in, 88, 109, 117-18.

Smith, Lieut. James, 79, 80.

Smith, Capt. William, 21.

Snow, a, 101-2.

Somers , the, 13.

Sonda R&ja. See Karwar.

Southampton, 179.

4 Sow Rajah \ the, xxi, 8 n., 56 n.

Spaniards, 62, 88, 98, 104.

Sjmnish Town, 98.

Squirrel, the, 27. *

Stanhope, the, vi, viii, 5, 14, 35-6,

39,40.

Stanton, Jonathan, ix, 15-16? 28,

63, 64 n. ; at Karwar, 19, 19 n., ...

20 ; at Khanderi, 38.

Steel, Joftn, 37-8, 77. o

Stepney, 98, 113.

Stepnev- Lieut., 71, 78, 82.

Stevens, Lieut., 189. 4}

• 205

Stevenson, — , 3i.

Stoke - Newington, 28.

Stuart, Commodore, 74-5.

Sturmy, Capt., 146.

Subaddr, 65 n., 123-4, 136, 138, 146,
151-2, 157, 159-60, 162) term
explained, 123 n.

Success , the, xiii.

Surat, 32, 91 b 111, 180; described,
35, 137, 172-4 ; mint at, 174 ;
shipbuilding at, 10, 14, 57, 134,
173, 175; castle at, 173, 175;
trade with, 25, 29, 36-7, 58, 153,
187 ; English at, 18, 65, 160, 4
172-3, 194-5 ; English ships at,
xvii, xxvi, xxviii, 26, 32, 57, 84,
87 n. t 89, 92 ; Boone visits, 28-9,
174 ; English cemetery at, 16S?;
Dutch at, * 156, 160-F, 172 ;
French aj, 172-3; Portuguese
at, 122-3 ; ship from, taken by
pirates, 45 n., 102, 151; threatened
by the Marathas, 134-5, 148,
160-1, 171, 173-5, 191 ; governor
of, 134-5, 156, 160-1.

4 Surcass ’. See Sardi.

Sutherland, John, 70, 81-3, 90.

Sutherland, Lord, 81.

Suvarndrug, xiii, 67 n.

Swally Hole, 32.

Swearing by salt water, 86, 110.

Swift, the, 27. •

Sykes, Samuel, 87 n.

Taffetas, 175.

Tankerfield, the, 11.

Tapti River, 137, 161, 173. *

Target (shield), 9, 134, 144, 178,
189.

Tartar , the, 45 n.

Taylor, George, 15, 17, 18, 25, 92.
Taylor, Capt. (pirate), 43, 44, 46,
51, 59.

Teach, Edward, 111 n.

Teague, William, 75 n., 97 n.
Teflighem 4 $, 58, 84, 132 n.;

Enron at, 17, 25, 67 ,92.
Terrwle, the, 27. a

Terrible, the (pirate), 98, 100.
Thana, river, 34 ; town, 34!

“ ix, xi, 19, 19 n.,<23.

Wiliam, 57.

INDEX

206

Tiger, the, 27.

Topasses, xxi, 20, 42 n. t 189.
Topwala, 143.

Trenchfield, John, 28.

Trenchfield, Richard, 28 n.
Troughxon, William, 23-4.
Troughton, Zouch, 23 n.

Tukoji Angria, 8 n.

Tully, Capt., Timothy, 28.

Turks, 25.

Turtle, a giant, 76.

, Underi, 125-7, 129.

Unity , the, 100.

Upton, Capt., 19, 26.

Upton, Capt. William 46, 48-9, 58.

Vaghoten River, 31.

Vane, Major, 29.

Varlis, 172 ».

Vengurla, 16 n.

Vera Cruz, 104.

Viceroy of Goa, 33. See also De
Ericeira and De ISampaio.
Victoria , the, xvii n ., 18, 19 n,, 27,
36, 38, 40, 47-8, 64, 65 n. t 79,
131-2.

Victory , the (pirate), 43 n., 48, 51,
60, 62, 101.

Vijayadrug. See Gheria.

Virginia, 111'.

Wade, Capt., 26.

Wager, Sir Charles, xxv, 80.

WAke, William, 45, 90. .

Waldron, Matthew, 195.

iniiiin

C630

Walter, Lieut., 71, 80-1.

Wallace, — , 71.

Walpohi, the, 92.

Ward, .Lieut., 27.

Warren, Commodore, 7 n.

Wasad, 192-3.

Weasel, the, 27.

Webb, Nathaniel, 136, 139, 179-80
death of, 181-2, 193, 195.
.Weekes, Capt., viii, ix, 14-15, 18.
Westerby, Capt., 111.

West Indies, the, 62, 76, 87, 104.
Wheatly, Lieut., 53, 56, 72.
Whitehill, Charles, xxii, 187-8, 19V
.Whitehill, John, 188 n.

Wilayati , 140 n.

Wilkie, Capt., xvii n., 18, 27, 1311
William, Prince, 106-8, 110, 117,
119.

Williams, Capt., 27.

Williams, John, 98.

Wilmington, the, xxx.

Windham, Joseph, 74.

Windham, the, 49, 91.

Wood, Lieut., 71, 74-5.

Woodward, Capt., 14, 19, 27. •
Woodward, Lieut., 27.

Woolwich, xviii.

Worli, 64.

Worth, Abraham, 75.

Wotton, Thomas, 36 n.

yams, 93, 163.

York River, 111.

Zammelock, the. See Nizam -ul-
Mulk.

ASIATIC SOCIETY